You can leave your hat on!

We, in Pakistan, are odd schemers. While some have shifted their focus to the many possibilities that Mansoor Ijaz’s revelations may unleash, others are increasingly weary regarding his security arrangements. A few can already sense their bubble bursting and are doing what they can to make sure Ijaz makes that trip to Pakistan. Similarly, there are some who are putting all their energies into scaring off Mansoor Ijaz. The message is loud and clear: ‘You make this trip mister, and you’re going to be staying at Pakistan’s Hotel California – you can checkout anytime you like, but you can never leave!’ But there’s life beyond Mansoor Ijaz and we’ve got a lot more on our plate. Take our own security for instance.

Three lawyers were gunned down in Karachi on Wednesday, allegedly on sectarian grounds. While security officials remained cautious in pinning the blame on sectarian groups, lawyers across Pakistan went on strike. This was certainly an improvement over staging a sit-in outside the governor’s house, a practice recently witnessed in the case of slain scout Askari Raza. The body of Raza, amid a crowd of screaming protestors caught the attention of the media but not of the relevant authorities. Their demand to book the suspects identified as Raza’s killers fell on deaf ears. However, not everything in Pakistan gets a cold shoulder. The judicial commission investigating the Memogate affair kept its eyes and ears open for details on security arrangements for its protagonist, Mansoor Ijaz. Dear Mr Ijaz: sectarian killings are common in Pakistan. Although we hold national security issues in high regard, we have no security plans to safeguard our nationals. The fact that you are an American citizen may help, however the fact that you belong to a minority sect that is largely victimised in our part of the world, please enter at your own risk. The military’s security blanket may help, but then there are never any guarantees.

As Karachi crawled to normalcy after the lawyers’ killings, another three men were sprayed with bullets in Quetta. The dead included an inspector of the Federal Investigation Agency, a government employee and a television actor. Not a word of condemnation from the 17-member Parliamentary Committee set up by National Assembly Speaker Fehmida Mirza. The silence may have come as encouragement because more men were gunned down the next morning. This time, unknown assailants attacked a security check post in Sui leaving at least five security officers dead. But rather than expressing their dissatisfaction on the precarious security situation in Pakistan’s largest province, the Parliamentary Committee on National Security expressed their satisfaction over the arrangements made by the government to protect Mansoor Ijaz in the country.

If the situation in Karachi and Quetta wasn’t alarming enough, Punjab got even worse. Spurious drugs consumed by cardiac patients left at least three hundred in critical condition. While Punjab’s Health Department was deliberating a response, the number of patients affected by the contaminated drugs was rising. A few months ago it was the dengue virus that had engulfed the lives of hundreds of people in Punjab, owing to low platelets and white blood cell count. This time – with similar symptoms – the cause is faulty medicine. The PIC has thousands of people registered for free medicine and their negligence in this regard is nothing short of criminal. Chief Minister of Punjab, Shahbaz Sharif – also the acting health minister – has set up a committee to investigate the matter and promised a sum of five hundred thousand to each family of the deceased. Although Sharif may not have an immediate remedy for an endemic that his own health department’s negligence may have helped unleash, he has prescribed the best remedy for Mansoor Ijaz’s security. If the federal government does not provide security to Ijaz, the Punjab government will arrange for it. Seems like this may be one promise Sharif will stay true to (because he wants to). Shahbaz Sharif offered ‘adequate security’ if Ijaz chose to come to Lahore to record his statement in the Memogate scandal. He promised to take personal responsibility of Ijaz’s protection from the moment he lands to the second he departs. 

Sharif has, simultaneously, also extended an invitation to the judicial commission probing the controversial memo to come to Punjab to record Ijaz’s statement. Honorary members of the commission and Ijaz may choose to accept Sharif’s offer, provided that they are not suffering from cardiac ailments. If they are, they must bring their own medicine and just in case, also some mosquito repellent. There may still be a dengue mosquito lurking around somewhere.

And if Punjab is where Ijaz prefers to land, he must steer clear of Seemal Kamran. The Punjab Assembly minister of the PML-Q is one who believes in addressing issues by nipping them in the bud. Literally. Ms Kamran recently tabled a resolution demanding a complete ban on ‘objectionable musical concerts’ in all government and private educational institutions of the province. Imagine what she would think of a man who was lustily compering a wrestling match between two women!

Last but not least, this Pakistani-American with a boat-load of evidence must steer clear of the moral vigilantism of a certain TV show host with a reputation for stalking couples in parks. Though we know Ijaz prefers his entertainment in darkened rooms, this anchor may gather together a gaggle of women to condemn him on live television. Worse yet, she might corner him with his stripper of choice and scream: “shaadi karo, shaadi karo!”

But this particular anchor is clearly not the only one keeping an eye out for immoral acts. After all, the cry was raised by a group of good desi boys who recognised Ijaz and raised the moral alarm. Apparently it’s only okay for some people to look. We may not realise it yet, but there are larger problems staring us in the face. For all his foibles, Ijaz is removing the layers of our leaders’ hypocrisy. His demands for security and claims of having evidence proving complicity at the highest levels of government reveals a knowledge of the risks associated with any visit to Pakistan. He offers us the naked truth, but can we handle it?

We are odd strategists for sure. Possibly by the time Mansoor Ijaz’s truth is revealed, there may be more than just one man running for cover. Mansoor Ijaz may want to come in from the maelstrom, but he should keep his hat on, just in case.

Sirf Jamhooriat!

Ik Baloch Ki Diary Se!

Be Sabri Ya Be Khabri?

Truth be told

There’s been a startling moment in Pakistan’s foreign policy – a moment that not only crystallizes what this country is about but demonstrates the pitfalls of irregular combat in the age of terror. The moment was tragic and deliberate – a Nato air strike that left 24 Pakistani soldiers dead on a Pakistani base called Salala. Our time with the US has since been reset. America’s just beginning to see Pakistan’s newer tougher face but is it because we have understood the value of life? Not so.

Ten years and 45,000 deaths after it began, the war on terror still commands support at home and backing from abroad – mainly from the Obama administration. However, with rising scepticism on a national level and Pakistan’s questionable policy on drones, its sovereignty and aid, we find ourselves in the middle of a vigorous debate about where our country is headed. About time I’d say. The US war in Afghanistan has deeply affected Pakistan. Mere centimetres away from becoming a failed state itself, Pakistan is trying to disentangle itself from a failed war by raising a new slogan: ‘Give Peace A Chance.’

In other words, the Pakistan government will talk to the Taliban – those who wage jihad against their own people because they’re miffed at the US. I wonder what that means. Will we engage with them on an ideological level? Explaining why killing innocent Pakistanis in mosques, shops and schools is immoral – or will we plead with them to spare us? I don’t quite remember how we got it into our heads that jihad was inextricably linked to violence. Might it have something to do with the actual history and practices of the Taliban? Let’s face it: until and unless we abandon the false narrative of “jihad” as the necessary defence of a desperate land beleaguered by bad guys, we will be in serious danger.

Think the only danger for Pakistan is along its border with Afghanistan? Wrong. There’s a longstanding calamity that is waiting to erupt. If it does, the resulting conflict stands to be more devastating than Pakistan has ever known. The clock for this crisis started ticking in 1970. Balochistan: Pakistan’s aggrieved province. Pakistan’s forty percent where often dead, seldom alive; predominantly mutilated and bullet-riddled bodies of Baloch citizens resurface so frequently that its considered quite usual. What isn’t normal however is that no one wants to talk about it. There are no in-camera briefings within parliament to curb the crisis.

DG ISI doesn’t offer his resignation on not being able to detect ‘outside influence’ that leaves so many of his own people dead. The president doesn’t issue a statement on how he will tackle the extensive and lengthening grievances of the province. Senior journalists don’t burn the midnight oil investigating the reasons behind such atrocities. No man, known for his publicity stunts abroad, writes in the Financial Times to unveil the conspiracy – whether hatched in the presidency or elsewhere. Moreover, ambassadors are not summoned to Pakistan’s foreign office and asked for their opinion on how to view Balochistan. Instead, over a few cups of tea and an elaborate lunch, Pakistan’s future in another country is discussed. How to view Afghanistan is the question. Balochistan. Who cares? How’s that for priority?

Speaking of priorities, it seems that Pakistan’s myriad problems ranging from inflation, to lack of law and order have suddenly taken a back seat. There is only one problem that has Pakistan’s democracy and autocracy at loggerheads – Memogate.

Bless Mansoor Ijaz for being the one to distract this nation from real concerns. It started off with Husain Haqqani ‘dictating’ a memorandum that was delivered to the US government through Mansoor Ijaz, to save the democratic government from a potential army coup. It was later discovered that the military establishment was already rounding up Saudi support for a potential regime change. The debate – instead of focusing on Pakistan’s fledgling democracy and the risk it faces from its own military – has shifted to whether Mr Mansoor’s word will hold true against the new revelations made by General James Jones.

No one is really concerned why Nawaz Sharif moved the Supreme Court on the issue, or whether ordering Husain Haqqani to be put on the ECL before even hearing him out was fair or not. Clearly, even when faced with the most important of issues, we usually keep ourselves occupied with the stupidest ones. Whether this will set the stage for the ouster of this government remains to be seen, but no one is addressing who could want the government out. If the memorandum was indeed penned to woo the admiral for the sake of democracy, why is there no word of support from the democratists in the government? Was the military planning on overthrowing the government or not? If the boys in uniform decide to remain mum – as is expected – why is the government silent? If indeed there was fear that this government was going to be sent off packing, why not say it. It’s now or never.

But even Memogate had its moment of rest. Pakistani actress Veena Malik posed on the cover of an Indian magazine in all her glory, sporting an “ISI” tattoo on her left arm. The Pakistani media was on the story pronto. From the proverbial mullah to the interior minister – it seemed everyone wanted to comment on this obscenity. Before we knew it, Veena’s act was pronounced un-Islamic – ‘100 lashes’ was one proscribed punishment while other respectable nationals filed a petition in court to revoke Veena’s nationality. If a woman who wilfully sheds her clothes needs an Islamic awakening, then what do women and young girls throughout Pakistan who are forced into doing the same deserve? In Fata, women IDPs were forced to have sex in return for a handful of rice. Meanwhile, in Sindh more than 300 women fell prey to karo-kari last year. Not a word from the religious or the “ghairatmand” of Pakistan. Women all over Pakistan are subjected to sexual abuse and our national integrity remains in place. Moreover, an active and thriving blue cinema industry in the country and regular visits to porn sites makes us a proud nation.

I don’t know whether to laugh or cry when Pakistanis defend honour by burying it six feet under. We want our sovereignty to be respected but don’t mind harbouring foreign terrorists. We want rule of law but we don’t hold accountable the people charged with upholding it. We want democracy but we cut dictators more slack. We want honesty but will pick and choose our own truth. Maybe then, we deserve what we get.

Mian Saheb, Aap Bhi?

White noise Lekin – on the other side

Just a few months ago, the consensus among instrumental leaders and influential thinkers was that operation Geronimo would unleash a wave of global issues and security concerns for Pakistan. Phase one of the response, it was assumed, would send some heads rolling, see some senior intelligence officials convicted for ignorance or compliance or worse, and include the breaking of all ties with the US over their utter disregard for our sovereignty. These were only some of the dire consequences expected by the experts. None of the above mentioned happened. 

What ensued then was entirely predictable: carefully orchestrated jingoistic outbursts, street protests and misguided patriotism. In Pakistan, this is the standard turn of events we witness each time there is an incursion by an overreaching state. By the time we get done with burning effigies of President Obama, stamping angrily on US flags and screaming our lungs out at the infidels – the worst has passed. The protests fade away, the anger subsides and the rest of the violence ends until next time. Moreover, we always find ourselves exactly as we are today: angry, regretful, vengeful and alone. 

Nato strikes on our border check posts are reason for our new-found anger against the US. General Kayani has upped the ante, threatening an aggressive and powerful response should such action be repeated. Meanwhile, a 23-year-old in Lahore was quoted by international news agencies as threatening Nato and the US thus: “If they do something like this again, we are going to turn Pakistan into their graveyard.” I wonder where we are going to find more room to bury dead men in Pakistan. Pakistan is already a graveyard to 40,000 of my people who died at the hands of extremists. Add to that 5000 of our brave soldiers – some who bore the bullet from an infidel’s gun, others who heard “Allah-o-Akbar” before shrapnel pierced their hearts. 

Pakistanis now have one more tragedy to mourn: the deaths of 24 men on November 26 in an unprovoked attack on two military border posts in Mohmand. The American response was too little too late. Chairman of the US military’s Joint Chiefs of Staff General Martin Dempsey categorically stated that it was ‘not a deliberate’ attack. Barack Obama meanwhile, deliberately avoided apologising – proving that change is all well until it’s your job that’s on the line. Nato meanwhile, is in the process of reviewing all available evidence including radio traffic and gun tapes to determine what led to this atrocity. They’re still calling it an “accident”. Mind you, accidents can be condoled, not apologised for. Unless you count Secretary of State, Hillary Clinton’s ‘kind’ remarks in the aftermath of a very unkind action and Cameron Munter’s hollow words, there has been no significant acknowledgment of Nato forces’ “unintentional” blunder. 

Pakistan is hard pressed to respond strongly to this latest transgression. It has ordered the US to vacate Shamsi Airbase, blockaded Nato supplies through the Chaman and Khyber passes, and pulled out of the Bonn Conference. Pakistan’s moment of truth has arrived. We are alone. Russia, Iran, China, Turkey and the UAE have condemned the killings of Pakistani soldiers by the Nato forces. But words alone will not help Pakistan. China’s claims of respecting Pakistan’s territorial integrity fall on deaf ears. Our friendly neighbour may give us JF-17s but will it offer military support in the event of open war? Hardly. China’s energies are focused on its quest for economic, not military dominance. However, there is a subtle message for Pakistan: if the relationship with the US ever sours, China may rise to the occasion. From China, with love.

Iran, our neighbour on the eastern border, has issued a joint statement of some 224 Iranian parliamentarians. However, encouragement to move decisively against the US does not translate into aid. Saudi King Abdullah bin Abdulaziz, custodian of the two Holy Mosques, the man who has topped Newsweek’s top 10 list of the most respected leaders in the world, has still not spoken in Pakistan’s favour. The UAE, meanwhile, arrived in Islamabad not to sympathise with Pakistan, but to intercede on behalf of the US. The UAE allegedly holds leasing rights for the Shamsi Airbase – on the surface to facilitate falcon-hunting for Arabs while sub-letting it to the Americans for their terrorist-hunting drones. While the UAE has deep historic ties with Pakistan, it also has a strategic relationship with the US that dates back to the 1990 invasion of Kuwait. The UAE keeps out of other countries’ internal affairs and believes in settling disputes by peaceful means. Will it turn aggressive towards the US? Don’t count on it. 

Turkey, along with fellow Nato members, including Germany and France, extended its condolences to Pakistan and supported the call for an impartial inquiry into the incident. Meanwhile, organisations such as the United Nations, the OIC and the European Union, revealed yet again, that they are ultimately impotent in the face of vested interests. 

For what it’s worth, Pakistan has earned the support of the Tehrik-e-Taliban (TTP). Echoing some of our political parties, they, too, are calling for an end to the alliance with the US, goading Pakistan to take revenge. However, almost as an afterthought, they clarify that this does not necessitate peace between the TTP and the GoP. So effectively alienate the US without any guarantee that the Taliban will ever come to the negotiating table. 

The US, meanwhile, is working hard at winning back Pakistan as an ally. Away from the watchful eye of the media, there are reports of back-door diplomacy at play. Pakistan’s long and troubled relationship with Washington has had at least one virtue: it has demonstrated that Pakistanis are paranoid about the American alliance for good reason. The US is impervious to the permanent hysteria of our hourly news cycle and street protests, un-swayed by public opinion a world away. Pakistan, on the other hand, may never let them in on its secret manoeuvres. Let’s face it: no one is buying into our strategic depth and we’re becoming embroiled in a crisis that keeps blowing up in our face. 

We cannot expect any one country or organisation to heal our every wound or to solve every major foreign policy crisis that we find ourselves faced with. The constant demands can be deafening. Yet what we need to do is to shut out the noise around us and concentrate on the essential: reverse our country’s image abroad and refresh its spirit at home. The silver lining? Pakistan’s own people haven’t turned against it. Yet.