Mind games

No media pundit could have foreseen Pakistan’s current political face. It’s downright ugly. Almost like a beast with brains. I am amazed, appalled and flabbergasted – all in one – by the political games currently being played by our parties in power and also by those who are waiting on the sidelines.

Really, what gives? The MQM is, once again, back in the political fold. They may revert with a strong ‘no’ to this statement of mine, but as Dr Ishrat Ul Ebad made his way back to Karachi on a special chartered plane belonging to President Asif Ali Zardari, the writing was on the wall. Obviously, the wall chalking that had appeared after the MQM jilted the government disappeared without a trace. Interestingly, so did Dr Zulfiqar Mirza. Apparently, Karachi is too small for two doctors to reside in simultaneously. Especially, as one breathes fire against the other’s party each time. Well, the fire has been temporarily extinguished, the volatile city has its old governor back and rising tempers have finally been managed. I wonder if it was Chaudhry Shujaat’s magic touch or someone else’s brains at work, that the desired results have been achieved.

Speaking of desires, it seems optimum results have also been achieved in New Delhi. Our country’s youngest newly appointed foreign minister has done exactly what was required of her: nothing. The idea is to keep talking with India, but not reach a breakthrough. A woman in a designer suit, with her hair impeccably in place, her eyes shielded by Roberto Cavalli glasses and a Hermes Birkin bag to boot can only raise eyebrows in serious circles, but makes for great content in Indian tabloids. If the motive is only talking and managing ties with India, while we fight it out with the US and figure out our long term plan in Afghanistan, perhaps the best option would have been Chaudhry Shujaat. Imagine a mumbling Shujaat telling India’s External Affair Minister S M Krishna “mittipaaojee, mittipaao, roti shotikhao!” (Bury the hatchet, let’s party!)

Coming back to Ms Khar, she did all the right things when in India. She didn’t let her dupatta or her tongue slip; she talked peace with her Indian counterpart and reiterated her efforts by praying for approximately 25 minutes at Khwaja Moinuddin Chishti’s shrine in Ajmer. If she had pleaded to the holier-than-thou powers in Rawalpindi too, results could come faster.

Talking of peace, what is up with the flailing ties between the executive and the judiciary? Admittedly, the Supreme Court is giving the government a tough time since the Musharraf-engineered NRO was declared null and void. However, with the Hajj scam exposing the PPP’s Religious Affairs Minister Hamid Saeed Kazmi and our dear prime minister’s son, Abdul Qadir Gilani – it seems the government is in for a real spin. But the Zardari clan likes to play. Recreation is a must for a government that hardly spends time strategising on how to deal with the problems of its people. I know we don’t have a Thomas Edison in this political fraternity of ours but if they can’t invent light, at least they can think of ways to keep it running for longer hours. Or how about them at least trying to come up with solutions to broaden our tax base? How absolutely wonderful would it be if the newspaper headlines read: “PPP, allies decide to take GST forward.” But no. There’s no time for all that.

There is however, plenty of time to team up with the coalition partners to take on the judiciary. And when the likes of Chaudhry Shujaat attends such a meeting at the presidency, the whole Moonis Elahi and the NICL case with the twists and turns of Zafar Qureshi begin to make sense. Even the worst of games, if played well, can be highly entertaining. So the government keeps us entertained. It covers its legal bases with the help of former law minister Babar Awan and derives its strength (in numbers) from its partners. Unfortunately, partnerships don’t come for free. But fortunately enough for the government, it has what it takes for keeping its friends in need to remain on their side. It’s quite a simple formula: offer your players new ministries. Confused? Don’t be.

Even though the cabinet has been reshuffled and downsized, the 18th Amendment offers a great opportunity to carve out new ministries to keep everyone happy and interested. These new ministers will be adjusted in ministries that will be formed by integrating those ministerial departments that have been left with the federation after the devolution process. These include – among others – health, education, labour and manpower. Bloody brilliant.

Since the reluctant restoration of the chief justice in March 2009, a judiciary-government tussle has ensued. However, this time, the government has decided to go for the kill. It has rejected the order of the Supreme Court to re-appoint Sohail Ahmed as establishment secretary. Ahmad was awarded with the status of an officer on special duty after only 20 days of performing his duties. His removal appears no different than his two precursors but it has made quite an impact. Ahmed issued – in compliance with the Supreme Court’s orders on Tuesday – a notification to bring back Hussain Asghar as director, FIA. Asghar was removed from the aforementioned position by the government, apparently in a bid to slow the Hajj scam investigation.

A government already mastered in the art of delay has been fast enough to act in its defence. This time the government has decided to play with “legitimate constitutional authority” and there’s also talk of all ‘organs of the state not crossing the red line’. Déjà vu. The government behaved exactly in this manner during the Swiss case probe. Then, the president had immunity. This time, he has the support of his allies. But with Shahbaz Sharif calling for a long march to rid the current government for “declaring war on the judiciary”, and the SCBA considering all options including reviving the lawyers movement, this game is about to get really interesting. Will it be backdoor diplomacy or street power? We know from past experience that when the PML-N walks the street, the government is ‘made’ to recede. What it will be ‘dictated’ to do this time round remains to be seen.

Lekin - Ham Nahi Jaantay!

Lekin - 20 July, 2011

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Lekin - 19 July, 2011

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Lekin - 18 July, 2011

When ‘incredibles’ sulk!

Even at the best of times between Pakistan and the US it would seem unusual for the latter’s embassy in Islamabad to organise a recent gathering for homosexuals. While some in the country accused the US of conspiring to contaminate our so-called conservative society, another political party dismissed this vulgarity as “cultural terrorism”. As if this was not damaging enough to the relationship, Washington also decided to hold back on Pakistan’s military aid amounting to 800 million dollars. India gloated, but a sulk set in powerful quarters of Islamabad.

A disgruntled and even sulkier Ahmed Mukhtar – in a desperate attempt to get even – threatened to pull out Pakistani soldiers from the Afghan border. I’m hoping this was Mukhtar’s idea because as threatening as it may sound, it’s equally absurd. Does our defence minister realise that this would actually facilitate more insurgents to get into our country and boost the crop of our “backyard terrorists?” All this while, sulky congressman in the US raised their doubts regarding Pakistan’s intentions and refused to give us a ‘blank cheque’ in the future. Meanwhile, a sulkier press release was issued by the ISPR stating that they could sustain the war on their own. The China card came into play and inside quarters started talking about getting the US off Shamsi airbase. By the end of the day, the sulking had worked. Centcom Chief General Mattis and Pakistan’s Chairman Joint Chiefs of Staff, General Wyne held a not-so-brief meeting (summed up in an extremely brief press release) in Islamabad. The next thing we knew, our ISI chief, General Shuja Pasha disembarked on a day-long trip to DC.

And while the generals try to figure out the US, and the future of our Coalition Support Fund, our politicians struggle with Karachi. A gloating MQM who walked out of Zardari’s coalition government was given a rare cold shoulder by the PPP. So, the MQM sulked. Meeting between senior representatives of the PML-N and the MQM sent the PPP sulking. Talk of implementing the Commissionerate System in Karachi made tempers fly all the way to London, effects of which we saw in parts of Karachi.

As innocent, lower middle class Pathans and Mohajirs were targeted, a sullen ANP brigade was invited to the presidency to “discuss” the situation. And the MQM got even sulkier. Just when Karachi was crawling back to life, Zulfikar Mirza decided to break his silence. That too, on media and standing next to ANP’s Shahi Syed who was initially caught grinning from ear to ear. However, as Mirza crossed all lines of decency, even Syed looked uneasy and almost willed PPP minister Agha Siraj Durrani to lure him away from the dais. Needless to say, this provocation was not required to add to Karachi’s prevailing crisis.

Mr Mirza’s political maturity needs work but as bodies fell, bullets flew and fire spread, no questions were raised regarding our own lack of tolerance. As always, the reaction missed the reactor. The US upsets us with its drones, we kill our own people. Someone upsets the religious values of another and the common man on the street bears its brunt. And when either political party in Sindh sulks or Zulfikar Mirza loses his cool, innocent Karachiites’ blood is shed.

Other than being a senior minister in Sindh, Zulfiqar Mirza is an industrialist and an agriculturist. And believe it or not, he is also a doctor. However, he hasn’t prescribed the best medicine for Karachi’s problems, instead, exacerbating the crisis each time by the ‘gift of his gab’. In early 2009, replying to a question in Sindh Assembly, Mirza boasted possessing at least 350 arms licenses. In a city where gun-toting culture is the cause of all evil, one wonders if his legal ownership of so many arms is advisable. A few months later, Mirza was back with another revelation. This time, he confessed that the MQM had been included in the coalition government to ensure peace in Karachi.

Come 2010, Dr Mirza was at it again. This time it was the judiciary in the crosshairs. He said the terrorists were being freed because the judiciary was giving them “the benefit of the doubt”. Mirza managed to heat up things again in December the same year. This time he blatantly accused the MQM of targeted killings in Karachi, at the same time inciting other groups to settle their scores with them. Two months ago, Dr Mirza disappeared from the scene. Some called it an indefinite leave, while others termed it a ‘reconciliation effort’ by the PPP towards its coalition partner: the MQM. This time, Dr Mirza, it seemed had crossed the line. He declared the People’s Aman Committee a wing of the PPP.

Fast forward to now, with the MQM out of the coalition, and the PML-Q guaranteeing a majority for the PPP in parliament, nothing could stop Mirza from saying what he actually felt towards the MQM leadership. That and his comments on jailed Haqiqi leader Afaq Ahmed. I’m guessing Ahmed was not given “the benefit of doubt” by the judiciary, much to Mirza’s disapproval. So, Dr Mirza got even and Karachi bled. Ironically, an apology from the doc and an appeal for calm from London came too late in the day. Mirza’s ticket to meet the president was issued after two dozen people lost their lives to communal violence.

While there was blood on the street of Karachi, the street outside Kot-Lakhpat Jail in Lahore was being showered a different shade of red. The head of Ahl-e-Sunnat-Wal-Jamaat was anxiously waiting for his friend Malik Ishaq to step out into freedom. Ishaq was arrested almost 14 years ago implicated in 44 cases including terrorist attacks and sectarian killings. In 2009, he was accused of masterminding – from behind bars – an attack on the Sri Lankan cricket team in Lahore. The court could only convict him in two cases. The rest stood shaky due to lack of evidence. Benefit of doubt, Dr Mirza? We are looking forward to hearing you on that again. Though I honestly believe you won’t go blazing your guns against this one. You’re selectively smart.

But he is not the only smart one. One man’s loss is another man’s gain. In this respect the beneficiary has been the PML-Q. Interestingly enough, the first time their members took oath as part of the federal government, it was a few hours after the Abbottabad incident. This time around, two of their members took oath as ministers in the Sindh Cabinet while bullets were flying on the streets of Karachi. While our military brass bargains with the US and the PPP keeps the PML-Q happy, Pakistanis wait on the sidelines. Attention anyone? We’re sulking too.

Lekin - 13 July, 2011

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Lekin - 12 July, 2011

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Lekin - 11 July, 2011

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Tum Saath Ho ... Lekin!

Lekin - 5 July, 2011

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What men want

Pakistan’s current political status quo – resting on coerced friendships, forced allies and an uneasy alliance with the khakis – has had a good shelf life. It did not expire with Raymond Davis being handed over so casually to the US. It could have, given to the kind of street power and escalating television drama that erupted after the killing of Faheem and Faizan. Kudos to those who maneuvered the campaign to fever pitch, then led it to a great finale. ‘Diyat’ laws rule.

The political balance did not shake when the US Navy Seals carried out a covert operation in Abbottabad to hunt down Osama bin Laden. The fury and embarrassment was addressed in a joint parliamentary session and the issue resolved via a resolution. The PNS Mehran incident led to some damage – within and without – but the political equation remained intact. There was however, one serious casualty: Saleem Shahzad. This, too, was taken care of by setting up a commission to investigate the matter. A few days later, another tragedy – this time in Karachi – reared its ugly head threatening to take at least some out of their political comfort zone; the merciless killing of Sarfaraz Shah at the hands of Rangers’ personnel led many to lose their sleep, some to cry, and the chief justice to take suo moto action. The political set-up, however, remained unchanged.

But what can endure tragedies and security lapses, has succumbed to what we now know as “rigged” elections in Azad Jammu and Kashmir. An attempt at forced seat adjustment with the PPP’s most trusted ally has forced the MQM to file for divorce. With this annulment of marriage comes a political crisis for the existing coalition that is now more dependent on the support of the PML-Q. The PML-Q itself faces a new dilemma. It will now have to stay in central quarters, not where it wants to be the most: Punjab. The PPP is visibly shaken by the MQM’s harsh rhetoric and is only beginning to understand how demanding an only coalition partner can get. The PML-N has alleged that the AJK elections fell prey to the evil designs of the PPP and is not just stopping at rhetoric. The PML-N has decided to challenge the AJK elections in the Muzaffarabad High Court. The MQM too is seeking help from the courts to be able to contest the two seats whose elections were postponed by the government. The PPP describes it as a law and order situation, while the MQM terms it an attempt to hijack its mandate.

The AJK elections are a relatively minor election but have led to major changes in the political set-up. AJK is a free state, which means, it is neither an independent country, nor a constituent of the Pakistani federation. With this election, our political parties have dragged Kashmir into the mess that is Pakistani politics. Now, there is a call for re-polling in Mirpur, mud-slinging in Islamabad and petitions in Muzaffarabad and the Sindh High Court filed by the PML-N and the MQM respectively. If the issue is about the elections being rigged, yes, it may be true. There is some truth to the fact that the voter lists were grossly flawed, and one could always question why the Nadra offices were open on a Sunday. The scenes of violence and people actually walking away with ballot boxes speak volumes for the transparency that this election witnessed.

However, there is a bigger truth that needs to be seen. The AJK elections have defied our analyst approach – rigged elections or not, most of the 2.9 million eligible voters did exercise their constitutional right to elect candidates of their choice. The pre-poll campaigning remained focused on two men representing two different parties with contrasting manifestos: Mian Nawaz Sharif and Prime Minister Yousuf Raza Gilani. Sharif upped the ante against Zardari – the loot and plunder man – citing the dollars he has stashed away, the promises he has broken, the commissions he never formed and the issues of the state he never resolved. Gilani, on the other hand, reiterated that Kashmir is Pakistan’s jugular vein, spoke of future welfare plans to help the people of Kashmir, and reminded that it was the PPP that gave AJK its interim constitution and the Supreme Court in 1974.

Nawaz Sharif had his heart in the right place but his words rang hollow for people who think that the Benazir Income Support Programme is right on target to alleviate poverty. They couldn’t care less for anchors going wax lyrical on the government’s corruption or analysts dismissing the Zardari government on grounds of being pro-establishment. The people whose vote matters are easily wooed by Gilani’s promises.

Kashmir is unresolved territory. Most who came out to vote don’t expect to achieve autonomy, independence, or freedom from either side of the border. They are more concerned about their todays and tomorrows, about their livelihood, and any chances of improvement. However, I’m not saying that Sharif’s words fell on deaf ears. His anti-establishment stance rang true to many ears – the eight seats won by the PML-N are proof of this. Even more challenging was the fact that Kashmir is still predominantly controlled by the establishment. The PPP’s win is testimony to that fact. However, the fact that the PML-N lost out to rigging attempts means there are people in this dominated valley who have the will to stomach going against the tide.

Sharif’s words are great topics for a television discussion and provide an excellent debate for intellectuals. Sadly however, our people don’t fall prey to the intellect or guidance being offered by TV anchors. No countdown or deadlines mean anything to those whose votes mean everything to political parties. Campaigning on issues such as 14 hours of loadshedding a day, two days of gas outages, rising petrol prices, and longer lines for water make for a sure win with people in industrial cities such as Faisalabad and Gujranwala. But for the many in rural settings, who don’t know electricity or gas, know the party who installed that one isolated tap during the last election. They also recognise small favours, such as the building of that one odd road, or that one rare chance at being employed, even if it meant being someone’s chowkidar.

Aside from its many faults, the PPP has one saving grace: its clear stance against terrorism. It was Benazir Bhutto who spoke passionately of hoisting the flag once again over Swat and it is still her party that speaks openly against terrorism. For many, anti-terrorism is better than anti-establishment. Do they know the difference?