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Sunday 25 December 2011
Sunday 18 December 2011
Truth be told
There’s been a startling moment in Pakistan’s foreign policy – a moment that not only crystallizes what this country is about but demonstrates the pitfalls of irregular combat in the age of terror. The moment was tragic and deliberate – a Nato air strike that left 24 Pakistani soldiers dead on a Pakistani base called Salala. Our time with the US has since been reset. America’s just beginning to see Pakistan’s newer tougher face but is it because we have understood the value of life? Not so.
Ten years and 45,000 deaths after it began, the war on terror still commands support at home and backing from abroad – mainly from the Obama administration. However, with rising scepticism on a national level and Pakistan’s questionable policy on drones, its sovereignty and aid, we find ourselves in the middle of a vigorous debate about where our country is headed. About time I’d say. The US war in Afghanistan has deeply affected Pakistan. Mere centimetres away from becoming a failed state itself, Pakistan is trying to disentangle itself from a failed war by raising a new slogan: ‘Give Peace A Chance.’
In other words, the Pakistan government will talk to the Taliban – those who wage jihad against their own people because they’re miffed at the US. I wonder what that means. Will we engage with them on an ideological level? Explaining why killing innocent Pakistanis in mosques, shops and schools is immoral – or will we plead with them to spare us? I don’t quite remember how we got it into our heads that jihad was inextricably linked to violence. Might it have something to do with the actual history and practices of the Taliban? Let’s face it: until and unless we abandon the false narrative of “jihad” as the necessary defence of a desperate land beleaguered by bad guys, we will be in serious danger.
Think the only danger for Pakistan is along its border with Afghanistan? Wrong. There’s a longstanding calamity that is waiting to erupt. If it does, the resulting conflict stands to be more devastating than Pakistan has ever known. The clock for this crisis started ticking in 1970. Balochistan: Pakistan’s aggrieved province. Pakistan’s forty percent where often dead, seldom alive; predominantly mutilated and bullet-riddled bodies of Baloch citizens resurface so frequently that its considered quite usual. What isn’t normal however is that no one wants to talk about it. There are no in-camera briefings within parliament to curb the crisis.
DG ISI doesn’t offer his resignation on not being able to detect ‘outside influence’ that leaves so many of his own people dead. The president doesn’t issue a statement on how he will tackle the extensive and lengthening grievances of the province. Senior journalists don’t burn the midnight oil investigating the reasons behind such atrocities. No man, known for his publicity stunts abroad, writes in the Financial Times to unveil the conspiracy – whether hatched in the presidency or elsewhere. Moreover, ambassadors are not summoned to Pakistan’s foreign office and asked for their opinion on how to view Balochistan. Instead, over a few cups of tea and an elaborate lunch, Pakistan’s future in another country is discussed. How to view Afghanistan is the question. Balochistan. Who cares? How’s that for priority?
Speaking of priorities, it seems that Pakistan’s myriad problems ranging from inflation, to lack of law and order have suddenly taken a back seat. There is only one problem that has Pakistan’s democracy and autocracy at loggerheads – Memogate.
Bless Mansoor Ijaz for being the one to distract this nation from real concerns. It started off with Husain Haqqani ‘dictating’ a memorandum that was delivered to the US government through Mansoor Ijaz, to save the democratic government from a potential army coup. It was later discovered that the military establishment was already rounding up Saudi support for a potential regime change. The debate – instead of focusing on Pakistan’s fledgling democracy and the risk it faces from its own military – has shifted to whether Mr Mansoor’s word will hold true against the new revelations made by General James Jones.
No one is really concerned why Nawaz Sharif moved the Supreme Court on the issue, or whether ordering Husain Haqqani to be put on the ECL before even hearing him out was fair or not. Clearly, even when faced with the most important of issues, we usually keep ourselves occupied with the stupidest ones. Whether this will set the stage for the ouster of this government remains to be seen, but no one is addressing who could want the government out. If the memorandum was indeed penned to woo the admiral for the sake of democracy, why is there no word of support from the democratists in the government? Was the military planning on overthrowing the government or not? If the boys in uniform decide to remain mum – as is expected – why is the government silent? If indeed there was fear that this government was going to be sent off packing, why not say it. It’s now or never.
But even Memogate had its moment of rest. Pakistani actress Veena Malik posed on the cover of an Indian magazine in all her glory, sporting an “ISI” tattoo on her left arm. The Pakistani media was on the story pronto. From the proverbial mullah to the interior minister – it seemed everyone wanted to comment on this obscenity. Before we knew it, Veena’s act was pronounced un-Islamic – ‘100 lashes’ was one proscribed punishment while other respectable nationals filed a petition in court to revoke Veena’s nationality. If a woman who wilfully sheds her clothes needs an Islamic awakening, then what do women and young girls throughout Pakistan who are forced into doing the same deserve? In Fata, women IDPs were forced to have sex in return for a handful of rice. Meanwhile, in Sindh more than 300 women fell prey to karo-kari last year. Not a word from the religious or the “ghairatmand” of Pakistan. Women all over Pakistan are subjected to sexual abuse and our national integrity remains in place. Moreover, an active and thriving blue cinema industry in the country and regular visits to porn sites makes us a proud nation.
I don’t know whether to laugh or cry when Pakistanis defend honour by burying it six feet under. We want our sovereignty to be respected but don’t mind harbouring foreign terrorists. We want rule of law but we don’t hold accountable the people charged with upholding it. We want democracy but we cut dictators more slack. We want honesty but will pick and choose our own truth. Maybe then, we deserve what we get.
Ten years and 45,000 deaths after it began, the war on terror still commands support at home and backing from abroad – mainly from the Obama administration. However, with rising scepticism on a national level and Pakistan’s questionable policy on drones, its sovereignty and aid, we find ourselves in the middle of a vigorous debate about where our country is headed. About time I’d say. The US war in Afghanistan has deeply affected Pakistan. Mere centimetres away from becoming a failed state itself, Pakistan is trying to disentangle itself from a failed war by raising a new slogan: ‘Give Peace A Chance.’
In other words, the Pakistan government will talk to the Taliban – those who wage jihad against their own people because they’re miffed at the US. I wonder what that means. Will we engage with them on an ideological level? Explaining why killing innocent Pakistanis in mosques, shops and schools is immoral – or will we plead with them to spare us? I don’t quite remember how we got it into our heads that jihad was inextricably linked to violence. Might it have something to do with the actual history and practices of the Taliban? Let’s face it: until and unless we abandon the false narrative of “jihad” as the necessary defence of a desperate land beleaguered by bad guys, we will be in serious danger.
Think the only danger for Pakistan is along its border with Afghanistan? Wrong. There’s a longstanding calamity that is waiting to erupt. If it does, the resulting conflict stands to be more devastating than Pakistan has ever known. The clock for this crisis started ticking in 1970. Balochistan: Pakistan’s aggrieved province. Pakistan’s forty percent where often dead, seldom alive; predominantly mutilated and bullet-riddled bodies of Baloch citizens resurface so frequently that its considered quite usual. What isn’t normal however is that no one wants to talk about it. There are no in-camera briefings within parliament to curb the crisis.
DG ISI doesn’t offer his resignation on not being able to detect ‘outside influence’ that leaves so many of his own people dead. The president doesn’t issue a statement on how he will tackle the extensive and lengthening grievances of the province. Senior journalists don’t burn the midnight oil investigating the reasons behind such atrocities. No man, known for his publicity stunts abroad, writes in the Financial Times to unveil the conspiracy – whether hatched in the presidency or elsewhere. Moreover, ambassadors are not summoned to Pakistan’s foreign office and asked for their opinion on how to view Balochistan. Instead, over a few cups of tea and an elaborate lunch, Pakistan’s future in another country is discussed. How to view Afghanistan is the question. Balochistan. Who cares? How’s that for priority?
Speaking of priorities, it seems that Pakistan’s myriad problems ranging from inflation, to lack of law and order have suddenly taken a back seat. There is only one problem that has Pakistan’s democracy and autocracy at loggerheads – Memogate.
Bless Mansoor Ijaz for being the one to distract this nation from real concerns. It started off with Husain Haqqani ‘dictating’ a memorandum that was delivered to the US government through Mansoor Ijaz, to save the democratic government from a potential army coup. It was later discovered that the military establishment was already rounding up Saudi support for a potential regime change. The debate – instead of focusing on Pakistan’s fledgling democracy and the risk it faces from its own military – has shifted to whether Mr Mansoor’s word will hold true against the new revelations made by General James Jones.
No one is really concerned why Nawaz Sharif moved the Supreme Court on the issue, or whether ordering Husain Haqqani to be put on the ECL before even hearing him out was fair or not. Clearly, even when faced with the most important of issues, we usually keep ourselves occupied with the stupidest ones. Whether this will set the stage for the ouster of this government remains to be seen, but no one is addressing who could want the government out. If the memorandum was indeed penned to woo the admiral for the sake of democracy, why is there no word of support from the democratists in the government? Was the military planning on overthrowing the government or not? If the boys in uniform decide to remain mum – as is expected – why is the government silent? If indeed there was fear that this government was going to be sent off packing, why not say it. It’s now or never.
But even Memogate had its moment of rest. Pakistani actress Veena Malik posed on the cover of an Indian magazine in all her glory, sporting an “ISI” tattoo on her left arm. The Pakistani media was on the story pronto. From the proverbial mullah to the interior minister – it seemed everyone wanted to comment on this obscenity. Before we knew it, Veena’s act was pronounced un-Islamic – ‘100 lashes’ was one proscribed punishment while other respectable nationals filed a petition in court to revoke Veena’s nationality. If a woman who wilfully sheds her clothes needs an Islamic awakening, then what do women and young girls throughout Pakistan who are forced into doing the same deserve? In Fata, women IDPs were forced to have sex in return for a handful of rice. Meanwhile, in Sindh more than 300 women fell prey to karo-kari last year. Not a word from the religious or the “ghairatmand” of Pakistan. Women all over Pakistan are subjected to sexual abuse and our national integrity remains in place. Moreover, an active and thriving blue cinema industry in the country and regular visits to porn sites makes us a proud nation.
I don’t know whether to laugh or cry when Pakistanis defend honour by burying it six feet under. We want our sovereignty to be respected but don’t mind harbouring foreign terrorists. We want rule of law but we don’t hold accountable the people charged with upholding it. We want democracy but we cut dictators more slack. We want honesty but will pick and choose our own truth. Maybe then, we deserve what we get.
Sunday 11 December 2011
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Sunday 4 December 2011
White noise Lekin – on the other side
Just a few months ago, the consensus among instrumental leaders and influential thinkers was that operation Geronimo would unleash a wave of global issues and security concerns for Pakistan. Phase one of the response, it was assumed, would send some heads rolling, see some senior intelligence officials convicted for ignorance or compliance or worse, and include the breaking of all ties with the US over their utter disregard for our sovereignty. These were only some of the dire consequences expected by the experts. None of the above mentioned happened.
What ensued then was entirely predictable: carefully orchestrated jingoistic outbursts, street protests and misguided patriotism. In Pakistan, this is the standard turn of events we witness each time there is an incursion by an overreaching state. By the time we get done with burning effigies of President Obama, stamping angrily on US flags and screaming our lungs out at the infidels – the worst has passed. The protests fade away, the anger subsides and the rest of the violence ends until next time. Moreover, we always find ourselves exactly as we are today: angry, regretful, vengeful and alone.
Nato strikes on our border check posts are reason for our new-found anger against the US. General Kayani has upped the ante, threatening an aggressive and powerful response should such action be repeated. Meanwhile, a 23-year-old in Lahore was quoted by international news agencies as threatening Nato and the US thus: “If they do something like this again, we are going to turn Pakistan into their graveyard.” I wonder where we are going to find more room to bury dead men in Pakistan. Pakistan is already a graveyard to 40,000 of my people who died at the hands of extremists. Add to that 5000 of our brave soldiers – some who bore the bullet from an infidel’s gun, others who heard “Allah-o-Akbar” before shrapnel pierced their hearts.
Pakistanis now have one more tragedy to mourn: the deaths of 24 men on November 26 in an unprovoked attack on two military border posts in Mohmand. The American response was too little too late. Chairman of the US military’s Joint Chiefs of Staff General Martin Dempsey categorically stated that it was ‘not a deliberate’ attack. Barack Obama meanwhile, deliberately avoided apologising – proving that change is all well until it’s your job that’s on the line. Nato meanwhile, is in the process of reviewing all available evidence including radio traffic and gun tapes to determine what led to this atrocity. They’re still calling it an “accident”. Mind you, accidents can be condoled, not apologised for. Unless you count Secretary of State, Hillary Clinton’s ‘kind’ remarks in the aftermath of a very unkind action and Cameron Munter’s hollow words, there has been no significant acknowledgment of Nato forces’ “unintentional” blunder.
Pakistan is hard pressed to respond strongly to this latest transgression. It has ordered the US to vacate Shamsi Airbase, blockaded Nato supplies through the Chaman and Khyber passes, and pulled out of the Bonn Conference. Pakistan’s moment of truth has arrived. We are alone. Russia, Iran, China, Turkey and the UAE have condemned the killings of Pakistani soldiers by the Nato forces. But words alone will not help Pakistan. China’s claims of respecting Pakistan’s territorial integrity fall on deaf ears. Our friendly neighbour may give us JF-17s but will it offer military support in the event of open war? Hardly. China’s energies are focused on its quest for economic, not military dominance. However, there is a subtle message for Pakistan: if the relationship with the US ever sours, China may rise to the occasion. From China, with love.
Iran, our neighbour on the eastern border, has issued a joint statement of some 224 Iranian parliamentarians. However, encouragement to move decisively against the US does not translate into aid. Saudi King Abdullah bin Abdulaziz, custodian of the two Holy Mosques, the man who has topped Newsweek’s top 10 list of the most respected leaders in the world, has still not spoken in Pakistan’s favour. The UAE, meanwhile, arrived in Islamabad not to sympathise with Pakistan, but to intercede on behalf of the US. The UAE allegedly holds leasing rights for the Shamsi Airbase – on the surface to facilitate falcon-hunting for Arabs while sub-letting it to the Americans for their terrorist-hunting drones. While the UAE has deep historic ties with Pakistan, it also has a strategic relationship with the US that dates back to the 1990 invasion of Kuwait. The UAE keeps out of other countries’ internal affairs and believes in settling disputes by peaceful means. Will it turn aggressive towards the US? Don’t count on it.
Turkey, along with fellow Nato members, including Germany and France, extended its condolences to Pakistan and supported the call for an impartial inquiry into the incident. Meanwhile, organisations such as the United Nations, the OIC and the European Union, revealed yet again, that they are ultimately impotent in the face of vested interests.
For what it’s worth, Pakistan has earned the support of the Tehrik-e-Taliban (TTP). Echoing some of our political parties, they, too, are calling for an end to the alliance with the US, goading Pakistan to take revenge. However, almost as an afterthought, they clarify that this does not necessitate peace between the TTP and the GoP. So effectively alienate the US without any guarantee that the Taliban will ever come to the negotiating table.
The US, meanwhile, is working hard at winning back Pakistan as an ally. Away from the watchful eye of the media, there are reports of back-door diplomacy at play. Pakistan’s long and troubled relationship with Washington has had at least one virtue: it has demonstrated that Pakistanis are paranoid about the American alliance for good reason. The US is impervious to the permanent hysteria of our hourly news cycle and street protests, un-swayed by public opinion a world away. Pakistan, on the other hand, may never let them in on its secret manoeuvres. Let’s face it: no one is buying into our strategic depth and we’re becoming embroiled in a crisis that keeps blowing up in our face.
We cannot expect any one country or organisation to heal our every wound or to solve every major foreign policy crisis that we find ourselves faced with. The constant demands can be deafening. Yet what we need to do is to shut out the noise around us and concentrate on the essential: reverse our country’s image abroad and refresh its spirit at home. The silver lining? Pakistan’s own people haven’t turned against it. Yet.
What ensued then was entirely predictable: carefully orchestrated jingoistic outbursts, street protests and misguided patriotism. In Pakistan, this is the standard turn of events we witness each time there is an incursion by an overreaching state. By the time we get done with burning effigies of President Obama, stamping angrily on US flags and screaming our lungs out at the infidels – the worst has passed. The protests fade away, the anger subsides and the rest of the violence ends until next time. Moreover, we always find ourselves exactly as we are today: angry, regretful, vengeful and alone.
Nato strikes on our border check posts are reason for our new-found anger against the US. General Kayani has upped the ante, threatening an aggressive and powerful response should such action be repeated. Meanwhile, a 23-year-old in Lahore was quoted by international news agencies as threatening Nato and the US thus: “If they do something like this again, we are going to turn Pakistan into their graveyard.” I wonder where we are going to find more room to bury dead men in Pakistan. Pakistan is already a graveyard to 40,000 of my people who died at the hands of extremists. Add to that 5000 of our brave soldiers – some who bore the bullet from an infidel’s gun, others who heard “Allah-o-Akbar” before shrapnel pierced their hearts.
Pakistanis now have one more tragedy to mourn: the deaths of 24 men on November 26 in an unprovoked attack on two military border posts in Mohmand. The American response was too little too late. Chairman of the US military’s Joint Chiefs of Staff General Martin Dempsey categorically stated that it was ‘not a deliberate’ attack. Barack Obama meanwhile, deliberately avoided apologising – proving that change is all well until it’s your job that’s on the line. Nato meanwhile, is in the process of reviewing all available evidence including radio traffic and gun tapes to determine what led to this atrocity. They’re still calling it an “accident”. Mind you, accidents can be condoled, not apologised for. Unless you count Secretary of State, Hillary Clinton’s ‘kind’ remarks in the aftermath of a very unkind action and Cameron Munter’s hollow words, there has been no significant acknowledgment of Nato forces’ “unintentional” blunder.
Pakistan is hard pressed to respond strongly to this latest transgression. It has ordered the US to vacate Shamsi Airbase, blockaded Nato supplies through the Chaman and Khyber passes, and pulled out of the Bonn Conference. Pakistan’s moment of truth has arrived. We are alone. Russia, Iran, China, Turkey and the UAE have condemned the killings of Pakistani soldiers by the Nato forces. But words alone will not help Pakistan. China’s claims of respecting Pakistan’s territorial integrity fall on deaf ears. Our friendly neighbour may give us JF-17s but will it offer military support in the event of open war? Hardly. China’s energies are focused on its quest for economic, not military dominance. However, there is a subtle message for Pakistan: if the relationship with the US ever sours, China may rise to the occasion. From China, with love.
Iran, our neighbour on the eastern border, has issued a joint statement of some 224 Iranian parliamentarians. However, encouragement to move decisively against the US does not translate into aid. Saudi King Abdullah bin Abdulaziz, custodian of the two Holy Mosques, the man who has topped Newsweek’s top 10 list of the most respected leaders in the world, has still not spoken in Pakistan’s favour. The UAE, meanwhile, arrived in Islamabad not to sympathise with Pakistan, but to intercede on behalf of the US. The UAE allegedly holds leasing rights for the Shamsi Airbase – on the surface to facilitate falcon-hunting for Arabs while sub-letting it to the Americans for their terrorist-hunting drones. While the UAE has deep historic ties with Pakistan, it also has a strategic relationship with the US that dates back to the 1990 invasion of Kuwait. The UAE keeps out of other countries’ internal affairs and believes in settling disputes by peaceful means. Will it turn aggressive towards the US? Don’t count on it.
Turkey, along with fellow Nato members, including Germany and France, extended its condolences to Pakistan and supported the call for an impartial inquiry into the incident. Meanwhile, organisations such as the United Nations, the OIC and the European Union, revealed yet again, that they are ultimately impotent in the face of vested interests.
For what it’s worth, Pakistan has earned the support of the Tehrik-e-Taliban (TTP). Echoing some of our political parties, they, too, are calling for an end to the alliance with the US, goading Pakistan to take revenge. However, almost as an afterthought, they clarify that this does not necessitate peace between the TTP and the GoP. So effectively alienate the US without any guarantee that the Taliban will ever come to the negotiating table.
The US, meanwhile, is working hard at winning back Pakistan as an ally. Away from the watchful eye of the media, there are reports of back-door diplomacy at play. Pakistan’s long and troubled relationship with Washington has had at least one virtue: it has demonstrated that Pakistanis are paranoid about the American alliance for good reason. The US is impervious to the permanent hysteria of our hourly news cycle and street protests, un-swayed by public opinion a world away. Pakistan, on the other hand, may never let them in on its secret manoeuvres. Let’s face it: no one is buying into our strategic depth and we’re becoming embroiled in a crisis that keeps blowing up in our face.
We cannot expect any one country or organisation to heal our every wound or to solve every major foreign policy crisis that we find ourselves faced with. The constant demands can be deafening. Yet what we need to do is to shut out the noise around us and concentrate on the essential: reverse our country’s image abroad and refresh its spirit at home. The silver lining? Pakistan’s own people haven’t turned against it. Yet.
Sunday 27 November 2011
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Sunday 20 November 2011
Minority report
Blood, meat and hides marked the first day of Eid-ul-Azha in Pakistan. While most Muslims celebrated their holy festival by sacrificing animals, some decided to achieve new levels of faith by targeting Hindus in Shikarpur. Three doctors were shot dead in broad daylight in Chak Town, allegedly, after a conflict arose between the Bhayo tribe and the Hindu community over a dancing girl.
Prior to the murders, the issue had already captured the attention of the local elders and a jirga was to be convened after Eid. Threats were issued to the Hindu community and reported to the local police but to no avail. Why is it that the government machinery only comes into motion after a tragedy has unfolded? The president and prime minister have both condemned the murders and ordered an inquiry. The police have since been prompt in arresting many from the Bhayo tribe. As anybody in Pakistan will tell you, arrests don’t necessarily mean justice. This is not the only case of Hindus being discriminated against in Pakistan – Sindh, long known for the wisdom of renowned Sufis and saints, is now home to a whole new brand of faith.
This ghastly incident takes me back to another instance in Lahore last year, when two shrines of the minority Ahmadi sect were attacked, leaving more than 90 people dead. Threats to Ahmadis were ignored then too, and calls for greater government protection in the future fell on deaf ears.
A few months ago, Faisalabad was witness to brazen warnings on Ahmadis; pamphlets labelling members of the Ahmadi community “wajib-ul-qatal” were distributed comprising names and identities of Ahmadi industrialists, doctors and businessmen. Most recently, Ahmadi residents in Lahore’s Satellite Town have been asked to leave or face dire consequences. This because they have established their place of worship which is deemed ‘unconstitutional’ by some.
It surprises me that we have forgotten those very people who helped draft the resolution that gave us Pakistan. Mohammad Zafarullah Khan was an Ahmadi but it was he who drafted the Pakistan Resolution and represented the Muslim League’s view when it came to deciding the future boundaries between India and Pakistan. He also served as Pakistan’s first minister for foreign affairs. Jinnah with his liberal views chose men to represent his country on merit, not religion, caste or creed. Pakistan’s first law minister was a Hindu who had more faith in Jinnah’s liberal views than the Congress’ secular ones; hence he decided to stay in Pakistan. Mandal was supposed to draft the first constitution of Pakistan; however he never got around to staying here long enough to see that to fruition. He resigned from the cabinet due to the consistent persecution of Hindus in Pakistan and moved back to India shortly after Jinnah’s death.
Encouraging persecution of minorities in Pakistan allows intolerance to flourish and has created precisely the kind of second-class citizenry in Pakistan – with uncertain rights and prejudiced values – that the country’s democratic principles were expected to avoid. For 64 years the whole point has been to come to some sort of conclusion as to whether this Islamic Republic of Pakistan can accommodate minorities without threatening their person, faith and livelihood. The idea has been to remove ambiguities and knock off a predominant holier-than-thou attitude towards Christians, Hindus, Ahmadis and Parsis. That clarity was in part, intended for the welfare of the existing minorities, so they could break free from their trap of uncertainty and insecurity. With a secular party at the helm, was this too much to ask for?
As religious historian Karen Armstrong stated recently: “like art, religion is difficult to do well and is often done badly.” The way to experiencing art is through an artist’s eyes. Similarly, religion is usually judged by how it is followed. The secular Pakistan Peoples Party distanced its views from those of Maulvi Nawaz Sharif’s – the alleged closet Taliban. However, it was “Maulvi Sahib” who made his way to Chak town and personally conveyed his condolences to the bereaved Hindu families. It was Sharif who pleaded to the Hindu community not to leave Pakistan, not our “secular” ruling party or its equally “secular” allies, the ANP or the MQM.
Pakistan’s minority dilemma is complex because secularism and conservatism don’t go their separate ways, but come together. Zulfikar Ali Bhutto was considered Pakistan’s most secular and liberal leader, however by adopting the Objectives Resolution in the 1973 constitution, he ended up empowering conservative forces.
Similarly, the man who promised Pakistan “enlightened moderation” also gave way to the Muttahida Majlis-e-Amal. General (r) Pervez Musharraf’s regime gave more power to the maulvis than any other government in Pakistan. Claiming to be Pakistan’s ray of hope, Imran Khan too has disappointed his secular voters (and some party workers). In an interview with Indian journalist Karan Thapar, Khan said he realised the need to ban militant organisations however, when asked to take names, he refused. Khan said he knew the threat that looms large since the Governor of Punjab, Salmaan Taseer, was murdered and hence would not endanger his own life by taking names. And his motto is? You guessed it! Change.
However, it seems the most conservative leader has turned out to be the most secular. From his proposed policy of looking inward for a solution to the war on terror, to envisioning an open trade and better relations with India, Nawaz Sharif has ended up doing what the PPP has long promised. But there are still question marks on some of his party’s leaders harbouring relations with banned outfits and participating in their rallies. His own brother and chief minister of Punjab had previously pleaded with the Taliban not to attack Punjab because of their anti-US policy. As if the other three provinces are in complete disagreement with the views of the TTP and therefore deserve to die.
Persecution of minorities in Pakistan is on a steady rise. It’s not only non-Muslims who are under threat; the minority Muslim sects are also bearing its brunt. In the last two years, almost every important day in the Shiite calendar has been witness to attacks. There have also been attacks on religious shrines of Data Darbar, Abdullah Shah Ghazi and Baba Farid. Scholars who disavowed this form of brutal violence as un-Islamic were either martyred like Maulana Sarfaraz Naeemi and Maulana Hasan Jaan, or they had to flee the country.
Come to think of it, one way or the other, we are all minorities – Punjabis in Balochistan, Mohajirs in Punjab, Pashtuns in Sindh, Baloch in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa – we are all victims of this prejudice. Will we realise, in time, what we don’t condemn today for others could very well be our fate tomorrow.
Prior to the murders, the issue had already captured the attention of the local elders and a jirga was to be convened after Eid. Threats were issued to the Hindu community and reported to the local police but to no avail. Why is it that the government machinery only comes into motion after a tragedy has unfolded? The president and prime minister have both condemned the murders and ordered an inquiry. The police have since been prompt in arresting many from the Bhayo tribe. As anybody in Pakistan will tell you, arrests don’t necessarily mean justice. This is not the only case of Hindus being discriminated against in Pakistan – Sindh, long known for the wisdom of renowned Sufis and saints, is now home to a whole new brand of faith.
This ghastly incident takes me back to another instance in Lahore last year, when two shrines of the minority Ahmadi sect were attacked, leaving more than 90 people dead. Threats to Ahmadis were ignored then too, and calls for greater government protection in the future fell on deaf ears.
A few months ago, Faisalabad was witness to brazen warnings on Ahmadis; pamphlets labelling members of the Ahmadi community “wajib-ul-qatal” were distributed comprising names and identities of Ahmadi industrialists, doctors and businessmen. Most recently, Ahmadi residents in Lahore’s Satellite Town have been asked to leave or face dire consequences. This because they have established their place of worship which is deemed ‘unconstitutional’ by some.
It surprises me that we have forgotten those very people who helped draft the resolution that gave us Pakistan. Mohammad Zafarullah Khan was an Ahmadi but it was he who drafted the Pakistan Resolution and represented the Muslim League’s view when it came to deciding the future boundaries between India and Pakistan. He also served as Pakistan’s first minister for foreign affairs. Jinnah with his liberal views chose men to represent his country on merit, not religion, caste or creed. Pakistan’s first law minister was a Hindu who had more faith in Jinnah’s liberal views than the Congress’ secular ones; hence he decided to stay in Pakistan. Mandal was supposed to draft the first constitution of Pakistan; however he never got around to staying here long enough to see that to fruition. He resigned from the cabinet due to the consistent persecution of Hindus in Pakistan and moved back to India shortly after Jinnah’s death.
Encouraging persecution of minorities in Pakistan allows intolerance to flourish and has created precisely the kind of second-class citizenry in Pakistan – with uncertain rights and prejudiced values – that the country’s democratic principles were expected to avoid. For 64 years the whole point has been to come to some sort of conclusion as to whether this Islamic Republic of Pakistan can accommodate minorities without threatening their person, faith and livelihood. The idea has been to remove ambiguities and knock off a predominant holier-than-thou attitude towards Christians, Hindus, Ahmadis and Parsis. That clarity was in part, intended for the welfare of the existing minorities, so they could break free from their trap of uncertainty and insecurity. With a secular party at the helm, was this too much to ask for?
As religious historian Karen Armstrong stated recently: “like art, religion is difficult to do well and is often done badly.” The way to experiencing art is through an artist’s eyes. Similarly, religion is usually judged by how it is followed. The secular Pakistan Peoples Party distanced its views from those of Maulvi Nawaz Sharif’s – the alleged closet Taliban. However, it was “Maulvi Sahib” who made his way to Chak town and personally conveyed his condolences to the bereaved Hindu families. It was Sharif who pleaded to the Hindu community not to leave Pakistan, not our “secular” ruling party or its equally “secular” allies, the ANP or the MQM.
Pakistan’s minority dilemma is complex because secularism and conservatism don’t go their separate ways, but come together. Zulfikar Ali Bhutto was considered Pakistan’s most secular and liberal leader, however by adopting the Objectives Resolution in the 1973 constitution, he ended up empowering conservative forces.
Similarly, the man who promised Pakistan “enlightened moderation” also gave way to the Muttahida Majlis-e-Amal. General (r) Pervez Musharraf’s regime gave more power to the maulvis than any other government in Pakistan. Claiming to be Pakistan’s ray of hope, Imran Khan too has disappointed his secular voters (and some party workers). In an interview with Indian journalist Karan Thapar, Khan said he realised the need to ban militant organisations however, when asked to take names, he refused. Khan said he knew the threat that looms large since the Governor of Punjab, Salmaan Taseer, was murdered and hence would not endanger his own life by taking names. And his motto is? You guessed it! Change.
However, it seems the most conservative leader has turned out to be the most secular. From his proposed policy of looking inward for a solution to the war on terror, to envisioning an open trade and better relations with India, Nawaz Sharif has ended up doing what the PPP has long promised. But there are still question marks on some of his party’s leaders harbouring relations with banned outfits and participating in their rallies. His own brother and chief minister of Punjab had previously pleaded with the Taliban not to attack Punjab because of their anti-US policy. As if the other three provinces are in complete disagreement with the views of the TTP and therefore deserve to die.
Persecution of minorities in Pakistan is on a steady rise. It’s not only non-Muslims who are under threat; the minority Muslim sects are also bearing its brunt. In the last two years, almost every important day in the Shiite calendar has been witness to attacks. There have also been attacks on religious shrines of Data Darbar, Abdullah Shah Ghazi and Baba Farid. Scholars who disavowed this form of brutal violence as un-Islamic were either martyred like Maulana Sarfaraz Naeemi and Maulana Hasan Jaan, or they had to flee the country.
Come to think of it, one way or the other, we are all minorities – Punjabis in Balochistan, Mohajirs in Punjab, Pashtuns in Sindh, Baloch in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa – we are all victims of this prejudice. Will we realise, in time, what we don’t condemn today for others could very well be our fate tomorrow.
Sunday 13 November 2011
Sunday 6 November 2011
His name is Khan, Imran Khan
With the Pakistani media coverage a cacophonous standoff, and terms like neutrality vanishing from the airwaves, it seems like whatever opinion this journalist may embrace it’s bound to be disapproved of.
When my programmes echoed support for the Swat operation I was allegedly towing the establishment’s line. When I was critical of General Musharraf, it was Nawaz Sharif’s party that I was supporting. Raising questions on the conduct of our armed forces gained me the membership of the CIA-sponsored journalists’ club. Interestingly however when I criticise the PPP government, I am back on the generals’ payroll and also the Sharif’s! Monogamous, I’m so not. Taking sides against the Muttahida doesn’t necessarily slot me as a ‘paid’ journalist but the fear factor is deterrent enough.
Currently, it’s the Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf’s president one is not allowed to assess critically. Those who maintain their journalistic responsibility to present both sides of a story are accused of being unpatriotic and funded by the opposition. The lines in Pakistani politics are very clearly drawn – one wonders where exactly Pakistan’s most famous son is positioned on this spectrum.
Electoral campaigns have never been this much fun. Shahbaz sang Jalib with such fervour that he brought tears to his own eyes. Altaf Hussain showed his softer side by singing the same Jalib verse albeit changing the words to reflect his new alliances. Khan chose to let others sing for him, inviting revolutionary bards like Shehzad Roy, Strings and the one-hit wonder, Shahzaman. Carefully choreographed, Khan’s rally was a success, proving that politics can be sexy.
For many, Khan is almost like a mystery wrapped in an enigma. But there are even more paradoxes in the attitude of the ruling government towards him. Emerging as an opposition party, it would seem plausible – given the political dynamics of Pakistan – for the government and its coalition partners to make some noise against Khan and his party. Punjab’s governor Sardar Latif Khosa granted the PTI the role of the “real” opposition, however neither he nor his party stand opposed to it. The Muttahida Qaumi Movement has obviously forgotten Khan’s jarring remarks against it at Karachi airport when he was not allowed to enter the city. In return, Khan has also conveniently forgotten the cases he had registered against Altaf Hussain in London.
Aside from entertainment, what did we, the public, get out of the PTI’s recent show of strength? Khan began by referring to the letter allegedly written by President Zardari to Admiral Mullen, in which he asked for protection from his army. Khan used the term “Apni army” with such incredulity that one wondered whether he had also been sharing space with Qaddafi in that pipe. So, for the sake of putting history right: Zulkiqar Ali Bhutto went to the gallows because his “own” army betrayed him. Years later, Benazir Bhutto was also shown the door by the Islami Jamhoori Ittehad – an alternate force formed by the ISI. Benazir Bhutto’s departure gave way to Nawaz Sharif – a man positioned by the military to create political balance in Pakistan (read: military’s preference). The same Nawaz Sharif was thrown off balance by his own army in 1999. For a civilian leader, it’s only your own army until the knife is in your back Mr Khan.
Pakistan’s most pressing issue is a lack of civil continuity and the space to work without the establishment dictating terms. That is what civil governments push for and that is when our own army intercedes. I would have liked to hear you mention that in your speech Mr Khan – as columnist Nadeem Paracha pointed out – there were more than just ‘facebook crowds’ attending.
Khan’s long deliberation over the war on terror is a case study in schizophrenia. Imran Khan wants to talk peace with extremists who have forcibly occupied a large area of Pakistani land to dictate their agenda. Khan also seeks to bring terrorists into the mainstream – if it was up to him, those who have killed more than 40,000 innocent people may be welcomed in parliament!
He aims to secure order by stopping drone attacks which he believes fuel militants’ revenge. If local terrorism is drone-driven, where were the drones in Swat? If there was a strike, the media clearly didn’t cover it. Pakistan’s vast coal reserves lie buried underground, their extraction halted as the Chinese have fled amid security fears. Law and order, however, is the least of Imran’s worries.
Neither a realist nor an idealist, Imran Khan has a split personality when it comes to foreign policy. He struck a nerve with many people when he spoke of his suggested solution for Kashmir: Khan will ask the Indian army to withdraw from Kashmir. Will he induce the Indian army to withdraw through diplomacy or will alternate pressure come into play?
India will obviously want a quid pro quo deal. And dare I ask, how will Khan make Pakistan live up to their side of the commitment. Khan will make sure that he halts army action in Balochistan. I wonder if he’s already posed the idea to General Pasha and/or General Kayani in one of their alleged secret meetings. If they have agreed then this is breaking news. If they haven’t, this news will be heartbreaking for those who took his words seriously.
Khan also promised to broaden the tax base when he comes into power. This, from the same man who opposed the value added tax? Khan declared Nawaz Sharif unfit to fight dengue. Sure, the Sharifs have failed in combating dengue but dare I ask – does Khan recall which single lab refused to lower its rates to 90 rupees to conduct dengue testing?
Reforming the notoriously corrupt police force is also on Khan’s agenda. He suggests popular votes to appoint SHOs so people can have no complaints. Again, Khan astounds. If elected leaders have public support and elicit no complaints, how is Khan able to rally such support from a nation “sick” of corrupt leadership?
Khan’s prescription for our ailing corruption was also just what the doctor ordered: declare all foreign assets or brace yourself for a civil disobedience movement. This when the country has a free judiciary and a law in place to tackle misappropriations and unaccountability. Why take to the streets when you can go to court?
Khan, however did not utter a single word regarding accountability within the military. How about asking for a declaration of the assets they have acquired during their tenure, or auditing the trillions that we have pumped into the armed forces in the last few decades?
Khan’s solo flight in ‘97 took off with his belief that he would secure himself the post of prime minister. That kept him engaged until General Musharraf’s coup d’etat. Khan supported the general till his referendum and later boycotted the 2008 elections. Khan’s pendulum-like swinging from one position to the other speaks volumes of his naivety and lack of understanding of Pakistan’s politics.
Khan thinks he can conquer it all with faith. However, faith alone cannot achieve the desired objectives. Even a World Cup win required more than Imran Khan’s inspirational captaincy like Wasim Akram’s fast bowling, the consistent batting of Javed Miandad and Inzamam-ul-Haq’s hard hits. Will men like Hamid Khan, Mian Azhar and Mehmood ur Rasheed help bring the cup home?
When my programmes echoed support for the Swat operation I was allegedly towing the establishment’s line. When I was critical of General Musharraf, it was Nawaz Sharif’s party that I was supporting. Raising questions on the conduct of our armed forces gained me the membership of the CIA-sponsored journalists’ club. Interestingly however when I criticise the PPP government, I am back on the generals’ payroll and also the Sharif’s! Monogamous, I’m so not. Taking sides against the Muttahida doesn’t necessarily slot me as a ‘paid’ journalist but the fear factor is deterrent enough.
Currently, it’s the Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf’s president one is not allowed to assess critically. Those who maintain their journalistic responsibility to present both sides of a story are accused of being unpatriotic and funded by the opposition. The lines in Pakistani politics are very clearly drawn – one wonders where exactly Pakistan’s most famous son is positioned on this spectrum.
Electoral campaigns have never been this much fun. Shahbaz sang Jalib with such fervour that he brought tears to his own eyes. Altaf Hussain showed his softer side by singing the same Jalib verse albeit changing the words to reflect his new alliances. Khan chose to let others sing for him, inviting revolutionary bards like Shehzad Roy, Strings and the one-hit wonder, Shahzaman. Carefully choreographed, Khan’s rally was a success, proving that politics can be sexy.
For many, Khan is almost like a mystery wrapped in an enigma. But there are even more paradoxes in the attitude of the ruling government towards him. Emerging as an opposition party, it would seem plausible – given the political dynamics of Pakistan – for the government and its coalition partners to make some noise against Khan and his party. Punjab’s governor Sardar Latif Khosa granted the PTI the role of the “real” opposition, however neither he nor his party stand opposed to it. The Muttahida Qaumi Movement has obviously forgotten Khan’s jarring remarks against it at Karachi airport when he was not allowed to enter the city. In return, Khan has also conveniently forgotten the cases he had registered against Altaf Hussain in London.
Aside from entertainment, what did we, the public, get out of the PTI’s recent show of strength? Khan began by referring to the letter allegedly written by President Zardari to Admiral Mullen, in which he asked for protection from his army. Khan used the term “Apni army” with such incredulity that one wondered whether he had also been sharing space with Qaddafi in that pipe. So, for the sake of putting history right: Zulkiqar Ali Bhutto went to the gallows because his “own” army betrayed him. Years later, Benazir Bhutto was also shown the door by the Islami Jamhoori Ittehad – an alternate force formed by the ISI. Benazir Bhutto’s departure gave way to Nawaz Sharif – a man positioned by the military to create political balance in Pakistan (read: military’s preference). The same Nawaz Sharif was thrown off balance by his own army in 1999. For a civilian leader, it’s only your own army until the knife is in your back Mr Khan.
Pakistan’s most pressing issue is a lack of civil continuity and the space to work without the establishment dictating terms. That is what civil governments push for and that is when our own army intercedes. I would have liked to hear you mention that in your speech Mr Khan – as columnist Nadeem Paracha pointed out – there were more than just ‘facebook crowds’ attending.
Khan’s long deliberation over the war on terror is a case study in schizophrenia. Imran Khan wants to talk peace with extremists who have forcibly occupied a large area of Pakistani land to dictate their agenda. Khan also seeks to bring terrorists into the mainstream – if it was up to him, those who have killed more than 40,000 innocent people may be welcomed in parliament!
He aims to secure order by stopping drone attacks which he believes fuel militants’ revenge. If local terrorism is drone-driven, where were the drones in Swat? If there was a strike, the media clearly didn’t cover it. Pakistan’s vast coal reserves lie buried underground, their extraction halted as the Chinese have fled amid security fears. Law and order, however, is the least of Imran’s worries.
Neither a realist nor an idealist, Imran Khan has a split personality when it comes to foreign policy. He struck a nerve with many people when he spoke of his suggested solution for Kashmir: Khan will ask the Indian army to withdraw from Kashmir. Will he induce the Indian army to withdraw through diplomacy or will alternate pressure come into play?
India will obviously want a quid pro quo deal. And dare I ask, how will Khan make Pakistan live up to their side of the commitment. Khan will make sure that he halts army action in Balochistan. I wonder if he’s already posed the idea to General Pasha and/or General Kayani in one of their alleged secret meetings. If they have agreed then this is breaking news. If they haven’t, this news will be heartbreaking for those who took his words seriously.
Khan also promised to broaden the tax base when he comes into power. This, from the same man who opposed the value added tax? Khan declared Nawaz Sharif unfit to fight dengue. Sure, the Sharifs have failed in combating dengue but dare I ask – does Khan recall which single lab refused to lower its rates to 90 rupees to conduct dengue testing?
Reforming the notoriously corrupt police force is also on Khan’s agenda. He suggests popular votes to appoint SHOs so people can have no complaints. Again, Khan astounds. If elected leaders have public support and elicit no complaints, how is Khan able to rally such support from a nation “sick” of corrupt leadership?
Khan’s prescription for our ailing corruption was also just what the doctor ordered: declare all foreign assets or brace yourself for a civil disobedience movement. This when the country has a free judiciary and a law in place to tackle misappropriations and unaccountability. Why take to the streets when you can go to court?
Khan, however did not utter a single word regarding accountability within the military. How about asking for a declaration of the assets they have acquired during their tenure, or auditing the trillions that we have pumped into the armed forces in the last few decades?
Khan’s solo flight in ‘97 took off with his belief that he would secure himself the post of prime minister. That kept him engaged until General Musharraf’s coup d’etat. Khan supported the general till his referendum and later boycotted the 2008 elections. Khan’s pendulum-like swinging from one position to the other speaks volumes of his naivety and lack of understanding of Pakistan’s politics.
Khan thinks he can conquer it all with faith. However, faith alone cannot achieve the desired objectives. Even a World Cup win required more than Imran Khan’s inspirational captaincy like Wasim Akram’s fast bowling, the consistent batting of Javed Miandad and Inzamam-ul-Haq’s hard hits. Will men like Hamid Khan, Mian Azhar and Mehmood ur Rasheed help bring the cup home?
Sunday 30 October 2011
Sunday 16 October 2011
Sunday 9 October 2011
Of holy cows and unholy alliances
The three musketeers are back together in the government. Or would you rather I call them idiots? Indeed, the rising anti-government discourse – and the explosion of anti-Zardari rhetoric from right-wingers – and among some conservatives, is well deserved. However, will this hysteria secure optimum result for the myriad problems confronting the country? Sadly, simplistic attacks on President Zardari and his government’s initiatives – or lack of – are an insult to the audience. Rather than engaging ourselves in substantive analysis and policy critique, we have all become easy prey for mindless debate.
Yes, President Zardari is smart. He plays well. He has his coalition partners exactly where he wants them. With him. The PML-Q – an uneasy alliance partner that was cleverly placed to replace the unpredictable MQM – is now a more permanent member of the PPP ‘coalition club’. But rules apply: the member must strengthen the ruling government in parliament and a seat-adjustment promise for the next elections.
In return the auspicious ‘PPP club’ must ensure Moonis Elahi’s freedom and make true on their promise of carving out lucrative ministries for the member’s greedy lot. Meanwhile, for the MQM, the membership fees has considerably been reduced while the fine has been paid by the PPP club itself: a state ministry or two, a ‘certain’ someone to be implicated and kept in custody (preferably forever) and of course, a large (read: largest) share in Karachi.
Analysts dismissed the PML-Q’s resignations act as nothing more than “political posturing”, while the MQM hoped people would buy their ever sellable mantra: of “rejoining the government in the national interest” of the country. For those who were hedging their bets on whether the MQM would make a comeback – the party has quit the coalition at least five times before – were richer Wednesday night. “Let us forget the past,” said Governor Dr Ishratul Ebad in a joint press conference moments after the news of MQM’s return dominated the airwaves. Yes, Mr Governor. Let us look beyond the target killings, which left hundreds of people dead and forget that there ever existed a man called Zulfikar Mirza. Let’s forge ahead on a path that was laid out in blood a short while ago. Let’s welcome another round of an unholy alliance.
Meanwhile, the Supreme Court, in its verdict on Karachi implicates all political parties – the PPP, MQM, ANP, Sunni Tehrik and Jamat-e-Islami – of their involvement in criminal activities. They have been asked to expel all criminal elements from their parties’ rank and file. Other than making a few observations and recommendations, it seems that the Supreme Court has thrown the ball back into the government’s court.
Speaking of alliances, guess who the new kid on the block has allied with recently? Imran Khan’s new man: former governor of Punjab and ex-president of the PML-Q, Mian Mohammad Azhar. Are you rejoicing yet? Well, Khan obviously was ecstatic and made sure that his voice carried twice as far as he stood outside his house in Model Town, Lahore. “We will rid the country of corrupt politicians,” said Khan. Too bad that Khan’s recent disciple has been himself implicated in vote rigging scandals. But Azhar is a small drop in the big ocean where vote rigging is a right especially reserved for the security establishment. With their support, and Khan’s hypocrisy, the votes will be forthcoming.
Who cares if Imran Khan wears a liberal face for the rest of the world while he assumes a conservative demeanour for Pakistan? The fact that Khan campaigned for Musharraf’s referendum in 2002, and doesn’t seem to understand the basics of democracy is a moot point. Our naïve countrymen will still fall for his ghairatmand exterior, voting in a candidate known more for his exploits than his team spirit. Howzzat, Mr Khan? The people who flock to see Khan perform in rallies and support his sit-ins have little idea that running a country is far more complex than steering a cricket team towards victory. A fixed match, Mr Khan, is not fair play.
Our country’s higher-ups have strange bed-fellows to say the least. From the Haqqani’s “non-militant” wing to other terrorist and sectarian groups, one wonders how such alliances can bode well for the country, and simultaneously cause harm to external powers. However, with increasing sympathy for one side, another side is being alienated: the US. With threats to halt all aid to Pakistan and a tough exterior to boot, the Americans are asking for some straight answers. As is this nation, which has been silenced with a resolution that was generated at the All Parties Conference. And just when we were trying to understand our own failings, the lights went out. Literally. Herculean power breakdowns and gas shortage plunged this nation into another form of disarray, providing the opposition with a much welcome opening.
The friendly opposition decided to go for an image makeover. Violent protests and accusatory remarks became the order of the day. What started out as attacks on offices and grid stations of Pepco and Lesco developed into a fiery war of words between the ruling government and the PML-N. One spoke of inept attitude of the ruling elite for regular wage earners, while the other accused the first of not being able to rid Punjab of dengue.
Those who vowed to safeguard democracy now took to the streets to dismiss Zardari. That will help us overcome our power shortage for sure. The government is ignorant on how to avert the crisis for good, but it doesn’t seem like the opposition has a plan either. Nor did those who walked the extra mile behind Chaudhry Nisar. A principled stance always comes second to show of strength. The party that has recently been attacked by right-wingers on their friendly policy with India stance, now walked together towards the presidency.
Lastly, what is beginning to cause me great concern is our collective hysteria in response to the government’s lack of enterprise. Would our people be better or worse off under the agenda of directionless violent protests? I ask you.
Yes, President Zardari is smart. He plays well. He has his coalition partners exactly where he wants them. With him. The PML-Q – an uneasy alliance partner that was cleverly placed to replace the unpredictable MQM – is now a more permanent member of the PPP ‘coalition club’. But rules apply: the member must strengthen the ruling government in parliament and a seat-adjustment promise for the next elections.
In return the auspicious ‘PPP club’ must ensure Moonis Elahi’s freedom and make true on their promise of carving out lucrative ministries for the member’s greedy lot. Meanwhile, for the MQM, the membership fees has considerably been reduced while the fine has been paid by the PPP club itself: a state ministry or two, a ‘certain’ someone to be implicated and kept in custody (preferably forever) and of course, a large (read: largest) share in Karachi.
Analysts dismissed the PML-Q’s resignations act as nothing more than “political posturing”, while the MQM hoped people would buy their ever sellable mantra: of “rejoining the government in the national interest” of the country. For those who were hedging their bets on whether the MQM would make a comeback – the party has quit the coalition at least five times before – were richer Wednesday night. “Let us forget the past,” said Governor Dr Ishratul Ebad in a joint press conference moments after the news of MQM’s return dominated the airwaves. Yes, Mr Governor. Let us look beyond the target killings, which left hundreds of people dead and forget that there ever existed a man called Zulfikar Mirza. Let’s forge ahead on a path that was laid out in blood a short while ago. Let’s welcome another round of an unholy alliance.
Meanwhile, the Supreme Court, in its verdict on Karachi implicates all political parties – the PPP, MQM, ANP, Sunni Tehrik and Jamat-e-Islami – of their involvement in criminal activities. They have been asked to expel all criminal elements from their parties’ rank and file. Other than making a few observations and recommendations, it seems that the Supreme Court has thrown the ball back into the government’s court.
Speaking of alliances, guess who the new kid on the block has allied with recently? Imran Khan’s new man: former governor of Punjab and ex-president of the PML-Q, Mian Mohammad Azhar. Are you rejoicing yet? Well, Khan obviously was ecstatic and made sure that his voice carried twice as far as he stood outside his house in Model Town, Lahore. “We will rid the country of corrupt politicians,” said Khan. Too bad that Khan’s recent disciple has been himself implicated in vote rigging scandals. But Azhar is a small drop in the big ocean where vote rigging is a right especially reserved for the security establishment. With their support, and Khan’s hypocrisy, the votes will be forthcoming.
Who cares if Imran Khan wears a liberal face for the rest of the world while he assumes a conservative demeanour for Pakistan? The fact that Khan campaigned for Musharraf’s referendum in 2002, and doesn’t seem to understand the basics of democracy is a moot point. Our naïve countrymen will still fall for his ghairatmand exterior, voting in a candidate known more for his exploits than his team spirit. Howzzat, Mr Khan? The people who flock to see Khan perform in rallies and support his sit-ins have little idea that running a country is far more complex than steering a cricket team towards victory. A fixed match, Mr Khan, is not fair play.
Our country’s higher-ups have strange bed-fellows to say the least. From the Haqqani’s “non-militant” wing to other terrorist and sectarian groups, one wonders how such alliances can bode well for the country, and simultaneously cause harm to external powers. However, with increasing sympathy for one side, another side is being alienated: the US. With threats to halt all aid to Pakistan and a tough exterior to boot, the Americans are asking for some straight answers. As is this nation, which has been silenced with a resolution that was generated at the All Parties Conference. And just when we were trying to understand our own failings, the lights went out. Literally. Herculean power breakdowns and gas shortage plunged this nation into another form of disarray, providing the opposition with a much welcome opening.
The friendly opposition decided to go for an image makeover. Violent protests and accusatory remarks became the order of the day. What started out as attacks on offices and grid stations of Pepco and Lesco developed into a fiery war of words between the ruling government and the PML-N. One spoke of inept attitude of the ruling elite for regular wage earners, while the other accused the first of not being able to rid Punjab of dengue.
Those who vowed to safeguard democracy now took to the streets to dismiss Zardari. That will help us overcome our power shortage for sure. The government is ignorant on how to avert the crisis for good, but it doesn’t seem like the opposition has a plan either. Nor did those who walked the extra mile behind Chaudhry Nisar. A principled stance always comes second to show of strength. The party that has recently been attacked by right-wingers on their friendly policy with India stance, now walked together towards the presidency.
Lastly, what is beginning to cause me great concern is our collective hysteria in response to the government’s lack of enterprise. Would our people be better or worse off under the agenda of directionless violent protests? I ask you.
Sunday 2 October 2011
Sunday 25 September 2011
While we are looking East
Do we in Pakistan sleep well at night? We should, knowing that we are being guarded by Pakistani troops on our eastern border with India. Bless the Khakis for keeping us safe from India’s evil intentions. We should be grateful that our army, with an active force of 619,000 personnel and another 528,000 in reserve is ready to protect our borders and always there to defend our country’s national interests. So, when Uncle Sam starts playing the same old “Haqqani network” tune, ignore it. If the likes of Leon Panetta and Admiral Mike Mullen accuse us of supporting militants, think “strategic depth.” What do we civilians know about safeguarding our national interests? Apparently nothing. If our Interior Minister Rehman Malik tells us that the Haqqanis are “sons of the soil,” accept them as our dear brothers. Don’t fall for what Google or history tells you. It’s a conspiracy being hatched by Mossad, Raw and the CIA. No arguments please.
If the Taliban kill a few hundred people in Peshawar, please do not waste your time talking about security lapse. Get over it and brace yourself for the next attack. It could be that you go to attend the last prayers of someone else but instead offer your own last prayer. There is also the possibility that you go to offer your weekly Friday prayers and are blown up before you could even properly kneel in front of Him. At least it is a privilege to die in a state of ablution. Imagine dying in a hospital bed with no medicines and no platelet separator machines to treat your dengue fever. We cannot be spending precious millions on these machines at a time of global recession. Buying F-16s, however, would be better value for money. National interest first.
If bleeding to death vis-à-vis a mosquito bite is not bad enough, think how awful it would be to die in a flood-stricken area of Sindh. With no funds to rehabilitate the millions rendered homeless, death is inevitable. Gastroenteritis, starvation and waterborne diseases – without proper medication and care – would make death slow and very painful. Isn’t it wonderful then that there is an alternative way of dying so readily available to us mere mortals in Pakistan?
Why should we worry about a little water and a few hundred mosquitoes when we have bigger issues to lose sleep over? We have to counter the Indian threat. We haven’t gone to war with them since 1971 but there’s a chance that we could. Let’s not forget the Kargil Conflict in 1999 when tensions between India and Pakistan erupted in a war-like situation over the Line of Control, in the disputed region of Jammu and Kashmir. India almost waged war again, in response to an attack on its parliament in December 2001, which left at least 12 people dead. A cable recently released by Wikileaks suggests that Pakistan sought the help of Gulf countries to bring India back on the negotiating table. Rubbish! Our strength – nuclear and otherwise – refrained the Indians from reacting. Not intervention from the Gulf countries.
Lastly, post 26/11, India has been looking for an excuse to attack us, in a bid to get even. Recently, at least three Pakistani soldiers posted along the LoC were martyred by the Indian troops. An Indian junior commissioned officer was also killed during the struggle. It is alleged that a ceasefire violation occurred from the Pakistani side of the border. Such violations, India believes, are a cover for infiltrating militants into Kashmir. Absolute lies! There are no militants in Kashmir and the Pakistan Army has no links to the LeT. Why would we subject ourselves to such petty tactics when we have nukes? The nuclear bomb is a far greater threat than Lashkars. And the Indians know it.
“But for ye who disbelieve, there are signs...” There are some who believe that sectarian groups such as the Lashkar-e-Jhangvi , religious organisations like the Jaish-e-Mohammad and/or the Taliban are linked to Pakistan’s intelligence agency. Indian agents all of them! And now we have the Americans on Capitol Hill accusing us of playing double games. The Haqqani network is a “veritable arm” of the ISI, says Admiral Mullen. Indeed! What evidence do they have for such blatant accusations? We have proof to the contrary: Rehman Malik’s rejection and Hina Rabbani Khar’s outright dismissal on America’s newfound ‘absurdity.’ Add to that some credibility: General Kayani’s ‘categorical denial’ to American outbursts. “These rumors are being dispelled by the US,” argue media loyalists, “so they can make Pakistan a scapegoat for their own failures in Afghanistan.”
Enough! It’s about time to snap out of our hypnotic state. Many have already broken away from the trance, while others are awakening from their deep slumber. Pakistan supports the endgame in Afghanistan, except that they want India dealt with, while the US wants the Haqqani network. India is a threat yes, but there’s proof that its last few attempts at threatening us were reactionary to our alleged actions.
Too much has been compromised in the name of national interest. What national interest is being served when the lives of your own “nationals” are at risk. Pakistanis, and there’s evidence. A Nadra ID card, a wailing wife (also Pakistani), a sobbing mother, a forlorn father and if you look very carefully, maybe a child or two.
Even those indifferent to Peshawar violence have been slapped in the face by the Karachi attack on SSP CID Chaudhry Aslam’s home in a posh locality. An eight-year-old boy looking forward to his sports day and his mother were amongst those killed in the explosion. The blast did not only break glass and furniture of the surrounding schools and houses, it also shattered the confidence of parents who send their children to school in this vicinity. For them, it will never be the same again. On September 13, parents in Peshawar had felt the same way when a school bus was targeted. Three children were shot dead while ten others were seriously wounded. Media followed the story for two hours but than political statements and dengue became priority. As if we silently accepted the fact that dengue is curable, while terrorism isn’t.
It’s time to come clean: we need to accept that we have allowed ourselves to weaken by making our “assets” stronger; we have dreamt of Afghanistan as our fifth province and used every backhanded tactic in the book to acquire it. We have increased military budgets and support to militants. Our gain? We are regarded as the single biggest exporter of terrorism in the world. Our neighbours are quick to point fingers at us for any act of militancy or terrorism in their country. Our biggest ally and aid-giver is holding a gun to our head to get rid of a menace which is perhaps deadlier for us, than for them.
Regardless of whether we win or lose US support, we now have both nukes and militants at our disposal – alas, neither can help our children sleep better. Nor us.
If the Taliban kill a few hundred people in Peshawar, please do not waste your time talking about security lapse. Get over it and brace yourself for the next attack. It could be that you go to attend the last prayers of someone else but instead offer your own last prayer. There is also the possibility that you go to offer your weekly Friday prayers and are blown up before you could even properly kneel in front of Him. At least it is a privilege to die in a state of ablution. Imagine dying in a hospital bed with no medicines and no platelet separator machines to treat your dengue fever. We cannot be spending precious millions on these machines at a time of global recession. Buying F-16s, however, would be better value for money. National interest first.
If bleeding to death vis-à-vis a mosquito bite is not bad enough, think how awful it would be to die in a flood-stricken area of Sindh. With no funds to rehabilitate the millions rendered homeless, death is inevitable. Gastroenteritis, starvation and waterborne diseases – without proper medication and care – would make death slow and very painful. Isn’t it wonderful then that there is an alternative way of dying so readily available to us mere mortals in Pakistan?
Why should we worry about a little water and a few hundred mosquitoes when we have bigger issues to lose sleep over? We have to counter the Indian threat. We haven’t gone to war with them since 1971 but there’s a chance that we could. Let’s not forget the Kargil Conflict in 1999 when tensions between India and Pakistan erupted in a war-like situation over the Line of Control, in the disputed region of Jammu and Kashmir. India almost waged war again, in response to an attack on its parliament in December 2001, which left at least 12 people dead. A cable recently released by Wikileaks suggests that Pakistan sought the help of Gulf countries to bring India back on the negotiating table. Rubbish! Our strength – nuclear and otherwise – refrained the Indians from reacting. Not intervention from the Gulf countries.
Lastly, post 26/11, India has been looking for an excuse to attack us, in a bid to get even. Recently, at least three Pakistani soldiers posted along the LoC were martyred by the Indian troops. An Indian junior commissioned officer was also killed during the struggle. It is alleged that a ceasefire violation occurred from the Pakistani side of the border. Such violations, India believes, are a cover for infiltrating militants into Kashmir. Absolute lies! There are no militants in Kashmir and the Pakistan Army has no links to the LeT. Why would we subject ourselves to such petty tactics when we have nukes? The nuclear bomb is a far greater threat than Lashkars. And the Indians know it.
“But for ye who disbelieve, there are signs...” There are some who believe that sectarian groups such as the Lashkar-e-Jhangvi , religious organisations like the Jaish-e-Mohammad and/or the Taliban are linked to Pakistan’s intelligence agency. Indian agents all of them! And now we have the Americans on Capitol Hill accusing us of playing double games. The Haqqani network is a “veritable arm” of the ISI, says Admiral Mullen. Indeed! What evidence do they have for such blatant accusations? We have proof to the contrary: Rehman Malik’s rejection and Hina Rabbani Khar’s outright dismissal on America’s newfound ‘absurdity.’ Add to that some credibility: General Kayani’s ‘categorical denial’ to American outbursts. “These rumors are being dispelled by the US,” argue media loyalists, “so they can make Pakistan a scapegoat for their own failures in Afghanistan.”
Enough! It’s about time to snap out of our hypnotic state. Many have already broken away from the trance, while others are awakening from their deep slumber. Pakistan supports the endgame in Afghanistan, except that they want India dealt with, while the US wants the Haqqani network. India is a threat yes, but there’s proof that its last few attempts at threatening us were reactionary to our alleged actions.
Too much has been compromised in the name of national interest. What national interest is being served when the lives of your own “nationals” are at risk. Pakistanis, and there’s evidence. A Nadra ID card, a wailing wife (also Pakistani), a sobbing mother, a forlorn father and if you look very carefully, maybe a child or two.
Even those indifferent to Peshawar violence have been slapped in the face by the Karachi attack on SSP CID Chaudhry Aslam’s home in a posh locality. An eight-year-old boy looking forward to his sports day and his mother were amongst those killed in the explosion. The blast did not only break glass and furniture of the surrounding schools and houses, it also shattered the confidence of parents who send their children to school in this vicinity. For them, it will never be the same again. On September 13, parents in Peshawar had felt the same way when a school bus was targeted. Three children were shot dead while ten others were seriously wounded. Media followed the story for two hours but than political statements and dengue became priority. As if we silently accepted the fact that dengue is curable, while terrorism isn’t.
It’s time to come clean: we need to accept that we have allowed ourselves to weaken by making our “assets” stronger; we have dreamt of Afghanistan as our fifth province and used every backhanded tactic in the book to acquire it. We have increased military budgets and support to militants. Our gain? We are regarded as the single biggest exporter of terrorism in the world. Our neighbours are quick to point fingers at us for any act of militancy or terrorism in their country. Our biggest ally and aid-giver is holding a gun to our head to get rid of a menace which is perhaps deadlier for us, than for them.
Regardless of whether we win or lose US support, we now have both nukes and militants at our disposal – alas, neither can help our children sleep better. Nor us.
Sunday 18 September 2011
Monday 5 September 2011
Lekin – 5 September, 2011 - Exclusive interview of Dr.Zulfiqar Mirza
Part 1:
Part 2:
Part 3:
Part 4:
Sunday 4 September 2011
Monday 29 August 2011
Sunday 28 August 2011
Lawbreakers
The situation in Karachi is hopeless. Our political players? Self-serving and ghastly. Our media: uncanny, right-wing and appalling. Our religious values continuously falling prey to confused beliefs. Our security apparatus? A big fat joke. And our rules of justice? Questionable at best.
So much for the Islamic Republic of Pakistan. A piece of land we needed to call our own, which we then proceeded to divide up for each political party. However, we continued to be governed by the fear of insecurity which impelled us to nationhood. So, instead of focusing our energies and efforts to preserve what was rightfully ours, we decided to go after others’ territory. We meddled in Afghanistan, Nepal, China, Iran and India, among others, to ward off all potential evil-doers. Alas, what goes around comes around. Our own space began to shrink. It wasn’t just our political divisions pulling us apart but now even our assets, the Taliban, wanted their share of land. Our survival instinct transformed and took on a new shape. Lawlessness became the law, and justice was all about getting even.
And that’s how we turned into a perversion of the Quaid’s idea, where illegal actions bred with unlawful responses. When non-state actors took over much of the space in Swat a few years ago, our government allowed it to happen. When civilians were killed in broad daylight, the state responded with its own version of fear factor. An operation was launched soon after, which left many soldiers dead, some were shredded into little pieces and sent over to the army as a token of the terrorists’ ‘love’. In order to boost the morale of our soldiers, the perpetrators of these crimes were dealt with in a way they understood. Some were allegedly thrown-off helicopters, while others were brutally killed. Human rights groups described these as “extra-judicial” killings; an allegation which the state actors dismiss. Their retort: desperate circumstances call for desperate measures.
Notwithstanding the real lacunas in the criminal justice system and a weak prosecution, police officials in Punjab have taken matters into their own hands. It is believed that the political leadership has given law enforcers a free hand to break the law in order to maintain it. Many torture cells have allegedly been established by the city police in Punjab, while known felons usually fall prey to mysterious ‘encounters’. However, ask a government official and he will tell you with pride how this tactic has helped counter dacoits and kidnappers. Criminals that have not been brought to book in courts hence have been “reformed” by them.
While the Punjab police take criminals to task in that province, Rangers have been granted extraordinary powers to maintain law and order in Sindh. The provincial government has extended special powers to the Rangers for the next three months to eliminate no-go areas and crack down on target killers. They have been allowed to shoot down not only terrorists, but also those they may feel ‘intend’ to breed terrorism. How naïve have I been my entire life; believing that only God can judge intentions. Clearly, now our Rangers can too. To be fair, it seems that the Sindh government has little choice. More than a hundred people dead in the city, bodies found tortured and bullet-riddled in sacks – it’s about time to do something, right? Even if it isn’t the right thing to do. Will the Rangers’ newfound power give rise to more cases like Sarfaraz Shah or help nab criminals such as Ajmal Pahari, remains to be seen.
Meanwhile, Chief Justice Iftikhar Muhammad Chaudhry has taken suo moto notice of the Karachi killings. The bench comprising five senior judges of the Supreme Court has sent notices to the president and the prime minister. The inspector General of Sindh has also been summoned and the hearing is to resume in Karachi from Monday. However, other than urging the IG and DG Rangers to do more; and taking note of what the government could have done to abate the violence in Karachi, what more is expected from the Supreme Court? What if it is discovered that the political parties along with the government, allowed innocent people to die in order to buy time to negotiate their own terms and gain political leverage? With the MQM leader Farooq Sattar and the ANP leader Afrasiab Khattak willing to become party to the case and assist the honourable court, perhaps someone can ask them why they continue to stick with the running government and allow innocent people to be killed on the streets of Karachi.
Pakistan is not the only country faced with a challenging law and order situation. The recent riots in London are a fine example of how things can go awry. The British government is not perfect but their handling of the crisis deserves a mention. The rioters were treated as criminals. Not friends. They weren’t invited to 10 Downing Street for a possible deal or negotiations. The police did not wait for super powers to arrest the looters. There was no need to look out for political affiliations. The judicial system supported the police and many were up all night for many nights to promulgate legislation. The crisis did cease but it required the requisite effort.
In Pakistan the cost of improving any situation requires either one to cease: the public’s patience or the government’s feigned ignorance. Many suffering in Kati Pahari, Qasba Colony and Lyari will never find their way to more peaceful quarters – safe areas are reserved for the elite only. More resilient sons of the soil will watch their fathers being shot dead in the country’s capital but still seek justice living in the same country. Unlike some who will make telephone calls to a rapt audience sitting approximately 4000 miles away. Or those who have a role in legislating Pakistan and a stake in Karachi but choose to stay away – physically in Dubai, emotionally in Alaska. It is depressing to know that most of us know the truth about Pakistan but we will allow others to lie us through. And the saddest part is that there is absolutely nothing I can write in this space to change your mind. Or, for that matter, your life.
So much for the Islamic Republic of Pakistan. A piece of land we needed to call our own, which we then proceeded to divide up for each political party. However, we continued to be governed by the fear of insecurity which impelled us to nationhood. So, instead of focusing our energies and efforts to preserve what was rightfully ours, we decided to go after others’ territory. We meddled in Afghanistan, Nepal, China, Iran and India, among others, to ward off all potential evil-doers. Alas, what goes around comes around. Our own space began to shrink. It wasn’t just our political divisions pulling us apart but now even our assets, the Taliban, wanted their share of land. Our survival instinct transformed and took on a new shape. Lawlessness became the law, and justice was all about getting even.
And that’s how we turned into a perversion of the Quaid’s idea, where illegal actions bred with unlawful responses. When non-state actors took over much of the space in Swat a few years ago, our government allowed it to happen. When civilians were killed in broad daylight, the state responded with its own version of fear factor. An operation was launched soon after, which left many soldiers dead, some were shredded into little pieces and sent over to the army as a token of the terrorists’ ‘love’. In order to boost the morale of our soldiers, the perpetrators of these crimes were dealt with in a way they understood. Some were allegedly thrown-off helicopters, while others were brutally killed. Human rights groups described these as “extra-judicial” killings; an allegation which the state actors dismiss. Their retort: desperate circumstances call for desperate measures.
Notwithstanding the real lacunas in the criminal justice system and a weak prosecution, police officials in Punjab have taken matters into their own hands. It is believed that the political leadership has given law enforcers a free hand to break the law in order to maintain it. Many torture cells have allegedly been established by the city police in Punjab, while known felons usually fall prey to mysterious ‘encounters’. However, ask a government official and he will tell you with pride how this tactic has helped counter dacoits and kidnappers. Criminals that have not been brought to book in courts hence have been “reformed” by them.
While the Punjab police take criminals to task in that province, Rangers have been granted extraordinary powers to maintain law and order in Sindh. The provincial government has extended special powers to the Rangers for the next three months to eliminate no-go areas and crack down on target killers. They have been allowed to shoot down not only terrorists, but also those they may feel ‘intend’ to breed terrorism. How naïve have I been my entire life; believing that only God can judge intentions. Clearly, now our Rangers can too. To be fair, it seems that the Sindh government has little choice. More than a hundred people dead in the city, bodies found tortured and bullet-riddled in sacks – it’s about time to do something, right? Even if it isn’t the right thing to do. Will the Rangers’ newfound power give rise to more cases like Sarfaraz Shah or help nab criminals such as Ajmal Pahari, remains to be seen.
Meanwhile, Chief Justice Iftikhar Muhammad Chaudhry has taken suo moto notice of the Karachi killings. The bench comprising five senior judges of the Supreme Court has sent notices to the president and the prime minister. The inspector General of Sindh has also been summoned and the hearing is to resume in Karachi from Monday. However, other than urging the IG and DG Rangers to do more; and taking note of what the government could have done to abate the violence in Karachi, what more is expected from the Supreme Court? What if it is discovered that the political parties along with the government, allowed innocent people to die in order to buy time to negotiate their own terms and gain political leverage? With the MQM leader Farooq Sattar and the ANP leader Afrasiab Khattak willing to become party to the case and assist the honourable court, perhaps someone can ask them why they continue to stick with the running government and allow innocent people to be killed on the streets of Karachi.
Pakistan is not the only country faced with a challenging law and order situation. The recent riots in London are a fine example of how things can go awry. The British government is not perfect but their handling of the crisis deserves a mention. The rioters were treated as criminals. Not friends. They weren’t invited to 10 Downing Street for a possible deal or negotiations. The police did not wait for super powers to arrest the looters. There was no need to look out for political affiliations. The judicial system supported the police and many were up all night for many nights to promulgate legislation. The crisis did cease but it required the requisite effort.
In Pakistan the cost of improving any situation requires either one to cease: the public’s patience or the government’s feigned ignorance. Many suffering in Kati Pahari, Qasba Colony and Lyari will never find their way to more peaceful quarters – safe areas are reserved for the elite only. More resilient sons of the soil will watch their fathers being shot dead in the country’s capital but still seek justice living in the same country. Unlike some who will make telephone calls to a rapt audience sitting approximately 4000 miles away. Or those who have a role in legislating Pakistan and a stake in Karachi but choose to stay away – physically in Dubai, emotionally in Alaska. It is depressing to know that most of us know the truth about Pakistan but we will allow others to lie us through. And the saddest part is that there is absolutely nothing I can write in this space to change your mind. Or, for that matter, your life.
Wednesday 24 August 2011
Tuesday 23 August 2011
Monday 22 August 2011
Sunday 21 August 2011
Tuesday 16 August 2011
Monday 15 August 2011
Sunday 14 August 2011
An ailing Pakistan
Pakistan was formed by a leader suffering from tuberculosis, who died shortly after his dream was realised. Sixty-four years later, the body politic continues to suffer from this ancient scourge. At war with itself, Pakistan today resembles a patient who seeks a fast and easy cure; without putting in the requisite effort. Plagued by terrorism, ethnic and religious rivalry, managed by an ineffectual government, itself answerable to a corpulent military; Pakistan faces enemies within and without.
We are unable to differentiate between aid and aggression, believing our sovereignty to be questioned when asked to take difficult decisions. With over 18 billion dollars in US funding over the past 10 years, the government has had to choose where to allot such largesse. Buy more F-17s or build schools? Create nuclear energy or bombs? Nation building, Pakistani style, involves pumping iron – literally – into the military structure. No food? No electricity? No hope? At least we have guns.
The fault, as Cassius famously said, lies not in our stars, but in ourselves. When frustrated mobs take to the streets in violent protest, Pakistanis demand to see soldiers in tanks keeping the streets safe. When these same soldiers refuse to return to their barracks, we declaim the military brass and talk about democracy. If, then, Pakistan is a patient with multiple complaints, our vastly differing demands on the military and its involvement in the affairs of state reveal an almost schizophrenic desire to have everything at once, and not at all.
We want water, and dams, with no environmental cost. We want to grow enough crops to feed and clothe ourselves, and still have plenty left to export. We want prices to fall, without paying taxes. We want education and jobs for all. We want electricity, but our nukes are dearer. We want the freedom to practice our faith, provided we dictate the interpretation that suits our religious circles (most do not even agree on one adaptation). We want peace, but we’ll keep our weapons, just in case. We want to be a global power, but we’ll settle for notoriety.
Pakistan’s military fever has broken in spells, with democracy returning to the country. Democratus interruptus. It is true that our civilian and political institutions lack capacity and competence, but contrary to what the military believes, incompetence does not legitimise a coup. Nor vice versa. Politicians are driven by a desire for power rather than civic service.
Just imagine. Sixty-four years of living in denial. We are still a country struggling to define a cohesive identity. Rather than being merely Pakistani, the state consists of a vast number of ethnic and religious groupings, which remain in constant conflict with each other. These groups are a by-product of our prevailing illness. The ailment has led to not just malnourishment – only about a half of Pakistan’s total population has access to adequate nutritional intake – but has also led to more than half of us Pakistanis to remain illiterate. We lay the blame of that squarely on the infamous “corruption” syndrome.
However, is President Asif Ali Zardari really the only corrupt person in Pakistan? Will removing him rid Pakistan of corruption? Again, short term cure, if any at all. Moreover, is the world really against us and is it without reason? Was 9/11 a conspiracy to give the US an excuse to be able to corner and counter Pakistan? Is that because Pakistan is the only Islamic nuclear power in the world? Notwithstanding international conspiracies, we also have a cure for our cricket malady. Remove the chairman of the Pakistan Cricket Board: Ijaz Butt. Really now! Pakistan couldn’t win the world cup only because Butt is heading the PCB?
Denial again. We fail to understand that corruption has become our national character, and it’s common to take advantage of one’s position or throw away money to get favours. A rickshaw driver breaks the red signal light without fear of being caught by a traffic constable. He is confident that he will never see the inside of a lock-up or get a challan issued because he will bribe himself out. Even the self-righteous journalists know that they can evade any uncomfortable situation by flashing their ‘Press’ card. So, why blame President Zardari or his lackeys for corruption. Depravity runs our system. This is precisely why we have a black economy overshadowing our GDP.
Similarly, we reject the idea of how we are causing our own people to die. Everyone in the country – from the common man, to seasoned journalists to renowned analysts – are convinced that this war has come to us post 9/11. They conveniently forget to mention that a majority of terrorist attacks in the world including Indonesia, Kenya, Spain, London and Madrid were planned and operated from Pakistan. The fact that the Pakistani tribal areas prove to be a breeding ground for aspiring militants travelling from all across the world is usually ignored and mostly denied.
What is even more worrisome is that it’s no longer just our ‘enemy’, the US is questioning our policy on terrorists. Our eternal friend China too, is beginning to have its doubts.
These are just two examples of disavowal: the mother of all illnesses. Sixty-four years of poor health are enough to indicate that our own prescribed medication is not working. However, it is entirely possible, albeit painful, to reverse the crash course we are currently on. Just as a person suffering from a serious illness must alter their lifestyle or face the consequences, the Pakistani state must implement fundamental changes, which may not yield results until much later. This Independence Day, we must clearly demonstrate a respect for Pakistan’s own needs beyond short-term diagnosis that neglects the real cause of our illness.
We are unable to differentiate between aid and aggression, believing our sovereignty to be questioned when asked to take difficult decisions. With over 18 billion dollars in US funding over the past 10 years, the government has had to choose where to allot such largesse. Buy more F-17s or build schools? Create nuclear energy or bombs? Nation building, Pakistani style, involves pumping iron – literally – into the military structure. No food? No electricity? No hope? At least we have guns.
The fault, as Cassius famously said, lies not in our stars, but in ourselves. When frustrated mobs take to the streets in violent protest, Pakistanis demand to see soldiers in tanks keeping the streets safe. When these same soldiers refuse to return to their barracks, we declaim the military brass and talk about democracy. If, then, Pakistan is a patient with multiple complaints, our vastly differing demands on the military and its involvement in the affairs of state reveal an almost schizophrenic desire to have everything at once, and not at all.
We want water, and dams, with no environmental cost. We want to grow enough crops to feed and clothe ourselves, and still have plenty left to export. We want prices to fall, without paying taxes. We want education and jobs for all. We want electricity, but our nukes are dearer. We want the freedom to practice our faith, provided we dictate the interpretation that suits our religious circles (most do not even agree on one adaptation). We want peace, but we’ll keep our weapons, just in case. We want to be a global power, but we’ll settle for notoriety.
Pakistan’s military fever has broken in spells, with democracy returning to the country. Democratus interruptus. It is true that our civilian and political institutions lack capacity and competence, but contrary to what the military believes, incompetence does not legitimise a coup. Nor vice versa. Politicians are driven by a desire for power rather than civic service.
Just imagine. Sixty-four years of living in denial. We are still a country struggling to define a cohesive identity. Rather than being merely Pakistani, the state consists of a vast number of ethnic and religious groupings, which remain in constant conflict with each other. These groups are a by-product of our prevailing illness. The ailment has led to not just malnourishment – only about a half of Pakistan’s total population has access to adequate nutritional intake – but has also led to more than half of us Pakistanis to remain illiterate. We lay the blame of that squarely on the infamous “corruption” syndrome.
However, is President Asif Ali Zardari really the only corrupt person in Pakistan? Will removing him rid Pakistan of corruption? Again, short term cure, if any at all. Moreover, is the world really against us and is it without reason? Was 9/11 a conspiracy to give the US an excuse to be able to corner and counter Pakistan? Is that because Pakistan is the only Islamic nuclear power in the world? Notwithstanding international conspiracies, we also have a cure for our cricket malady. Remove the chairman of the Pakistan Cricket Board: Ijaz Butt. Really now! Pakistan couldn’t win the world cup only because Butt is heading the PCB?
Denial again. We fail to understand that corruption has become our national character, and it’s common to take advantage of one’s position or throw away money to get favours. A rickshaw driver breaks the red signal light without fear of being caught by a traffic constable. He is confident that he will never see the inside of a lock-up or get a challan issued because he will bribe himself out. Even the self-righteous journalists know that they can evade any uncomfortable situation by flashing their ‘Press’ card. So, why blame President Zardari or his lackeys for corruption. Depravity runs our system. This is precisely why we have a black economy overshadowing our GDP.
Similarly, we reject the idea of how we are causing our own people to die. Everyone in the country – from the common man, to seasoned journalists to renowned analysts – are convinced that this war has come to us post 9/11. They conveniently forget to mention that a majority of terrorist attacks in the world including Indonesia, Kenya, Spain, London and Madrid were planned and operated from Pakistan. The fact that the Pakistani tribal areas prove to be a breeding ground for aspiring militants travelling from all across the world is usually ignored and mostly denied.
What is even more worrisome is that it’s no longer just our ‘enemy’, the US is questioning our policy on terrorists. Our eternal friend China too, is beginning to have its doubts.
These are just two examples of disavowal: the mother of all illnesses. Sixty-four years of poor health are enough to indicate that our own prescribed medication is not working. However, it is entirely possible, albeit painful, to reverse the crash course we are currently on. Just as a person suffering from a serious illness must alter their lifestyle or face the consequences, the Pakistani state must implement fundamental changes, which may not yield results until much later. This Independence Day, we must clearly demonstrate a respect for Pakistan’s own needs beyond short-term diagnosis that neglects the real cause of our illness.
Wednesday 10 August 2011
Tuesday 9 August 2011
Monday 8 August 2011
Sunday 7 August 2011
Sunday 31 July 2011
Mind games
No media pundit could have foreseen Pakistan’s current political face. It’s downright ugly. Almost like a beast with brains. I am amazed, appalled and flabbergasted – all in one – by the political games currently being played by our parties in power and also by those who are waiting on the sidelines.
Really, what gives? The MQM is, once again, back in the political fold. They may revert with a strong ‘no’ to this statement of mine, but as Dr Ishrat Ul Ebad made his way back to Karachi on a special chartered plane belonging to President Asif Ali Zardari, the writing was on the wall. Obviously, the wall chalking that had appeared after the MQM jilted the government disappeared without a trace. Interestingly, so did Dr Zulfiqar Mirza. Apparently, Karachi is too small for two doctors to reside in simultaneously. Especially, as one breathes fire against the other’s party each time. Well, the fire has been temporarily extinguished, the volatile city has its old governor back and rising tempers have finally been managed. I wonder if it was Chaudhry Shujaat’s magic touch or someone else’s brains at work, that the desired results have been achieved.
Speaking of desires, it seems optimum results have also been achieved in New Delhi. Our country’s youngest newly appointed foreign minister has done exactly what was required of her: nothing. The idea is to keep talking with India, but not reach a breakthrough. A woman in a designer suit, with her hair impeccably in place, her eyes shielded by Roberto Cavalli glasses and a Hermes Birkin bag to boot can only raise eyebrows in serious circles, but makes for great content in Indian tabloids. If the motive is only talking and managing ties with India, while we fight it out with the US and figure out our long term plan in Afghanistan, perhaps the best option would have been Chaudhry Shujaat. Imagine a mumbling Shujaat telling India’s External Affair Minister S M Krishna “mittipaaojee, mittipaao, roti shotikhao!” (Bury the hatchet, let’s party!)
Coming back to Ms Khar, she did all the right things when in India. She didn’t let her dupatta or her tongue slip; she talked peace with her Indian counterpart and reiterated her efforts by praying for approximately 25 minutes at Khwaja Moinuddin Chishti’s shrine in Ajmer. If she had pleaded to the holier-than-thou powers in Rawalpindi too, results could come faster.
Talking of peace, what is up with the flailing ties between the executive and the judiciary? Admittedly, the Supreme Court is giving the government a tough time since the Musharraf-engineered NRO was declared null and void. However, with the Hajj scam exposing the PPP’s Religious Affairs Minister Hamid Saeed Kazmi and our dear prime minister’s son, Abdul Qadir Gilani – it seems the government is in for a real spin. But the Zardari clan likes to play. Recreation is a must for a government that hardly spends time strategising on how to deal with the problems of its people. I know we don’t have a Thomas Edison in this political fraternity of ours but if they can’t invent light, at least they can think of ways to keep it running for longer hours. Or how about them at least trying to come up with solutions to broaden our tax base? How absolutely wonderful would it be if the newspaper headlines read: “PPP, allies decide to take GST forward.” But no. There’s no time for all that.
There is however, plenty of time to team up with the coalition partners to take on the judiciary. And when the likes of Chaudhry Shujaat attends such a meeting at the presidency, the whole Moonis Elahi and the NICL case with the twists and turns of Zafar Qureshi begin to make sense. Even the worst of games, if played well, can be highly entertaining. So the government keeps us entertained. It covers its legal bases with the help of former law minister Babar Awan and derives its strength (in numbers) from its partners. Unfortunately, partnerships don’t come for free. But fortunately enough for the government, it has what it takes for keeping its friends in need to remain on their side. It’s quite a simple formula: offer your players new ministries. Confused? Don’t be.
Even though the cabinet has been reshuffled and downsized, the 18th Amendment offers a great opportunity to carve out new ministries to keep everyone happy and interested. These new ministers will be adjusted in ministries that will be formed by integrating those ministerial departments that have been left with the federation after the devolution process. These include – among others – health, education, labour and manpower. Bloody brilliant.
Since the reluctant restoration of the chief justice in March 2009, a judiciary-government tussle has ensued. However, this time, the government has decided to go for the kill. It has rejected the order of the Supreme Court to re-appoint Sohail Ahmed as establishment secretary. Ahmad was awarded with the status of an officer on special duty after only 20 days of performing his duties. His removal appears no different than his two precursors but it has made quite an impact. Ahmed issued – in compliance with the Supreme Court’s orders on Tuesday – a notification to bring back Hussain Asghar as director, FIA. Asghar was removed from the aforementioned position by the government, apparently in a bid to slow the Hajj scam investigation.
A government already mastered in the art of delay has been fast enough to act in its defence. This time the government has decided to play with “legitimate constitutional authority” and there’s also talk of all ‘organs of the state not crossing the red line’. Déjà vu. The government behaved exactly in this manner during the Swiss case probe. Then, the president had immunity. This time, he has the support of his allies. But with Shahbaz Sharif calling for a long march to rid the current government for “declaring war on the judiciary”, and the SCBA considering all options including reviving the lawyers movement, this game is about to get really interesting. Will it be backdoor diplomacy or street power? We know from past experience that when the PML-N walks the street, the government is ‘made’ to recede. What it will be ‘dictated’ to do this time round remains to be seen.
Really, what gives? The MQM is, once again, back in the political fold. They may revert with a strong ‘no’ to this statement of mine, but as Dr Ishrat Ul Ebad made his way back to Karachi on a special chartered plane belonging to President Asif Ali Zardari, the writing was on the wall. Obviously, the wall chalking that had appeared after the MQM jilted the government disappeared without a trace. Interestingly, so did Dr Zulfiqar Mirza. Apparently, Karachi is too small for two doctors to reside in simultaneously. Especially, as one breathes fire against the other’s party each time. Well, the fire has been temporarily extinguished, the volatile city has its old governor back and rising tempers have finally been managed. I wonder if it was Chaudhry Shujaat’s magic touch or someone else’s brains at work, that the desired results have been achieved.
Speaking of desires, it seems optimum results have also been achieved in New Delhi. Our country’s youngest newly appointed foreign minister has done exactly what was required of her: nothing. The idea is to keep talking with India, but not reach a breakthrough. A woman in a designer suit, with her hair impeccably in place, her eyes shielded by Roberto Cavalli glasses and a Hermes Birkin bag to boot can only raise eyebrows in serious circles, but makes for great content in Indian tabloids. If the motive is only talking and managing ties with India, while we fight it out with the US and figure out our long term plan in Afghanistan, perhaps the best option would have been Chaudhry Shujaat. Imagine a mumbling Shujaat telling India’s External Affair Minister S M Krishna “mittipaaojee, mittipaao, roti shotikhao!” (Bury the hatchet, let’s party!)
Coming back to Ms Khar, she did all the right things when in India. She didn’t let her dupatta or her tongue slip; she talked peace with her Indian counterpart and reiterated her efforts by praying for approximately 25 minutes at Khwaja Moinuddin Chishti’s shrine in Ajmer. If she had pleaded to the holier-than-thou powers in Rawalpindi too, results could come faster.
Talking of peace, what is up with the flailing ties between the executive and the judiciary? Admittedly, the Supreme Court is giving the government a tough time since the Musharraf-engineered NRO was declared null and void. However, with the Hajj scam exposing the PPP’s Religious Affairs Minister Hamid Saeed Kazmi and our dear prime minister’s son, Abdul Qadir Gilani – it seems the government is in for a real spin. But the Zardari clan likes to play. Recreation is a must for a government that hardly spends time strategising on how to deal with the problems of its people. I know we don’t have a Thomas Edison in this political fraternity of ours but if they can’t invent light, at least they can think of ways to keep it running for longer hours. Or how about them at least trying to come up with solutions to broaden our tax base? How absolutely wonderful would it be if the newspaper headlines read: “PPP, allies decide to take GST forward.” But no. There’s no time for all that.
There is however, plenty of time to team up with the coalition partners to take on the judiciary. And when the likes of Chaudhry Shujaat attends such a meeting at the presidency, the whole Moonis Elahi and the NICL case with the twists and turns of Zafar Qureshi begin to make sense. Even the worst of games, if played well, can be highly entertaining. So the government keeps us entertained. It covers its legal bases with the help of former law minister Babar Awan and derives its strength (in numbers) from its partners. Unfortunately, partnerships don’t come for free. But fortunately enough for the government, it has what it takes for keeping its friends in need to remain on their side. It’s quite a simple formula: offer your players new ministries. Confused? Don’t be.
Even though the cabinet has been reshuffled and downsized, the 18th Amendment offers a great opportunity to carve out new ministries to keep everyone happy and interested. These new ministers will be adjusted in ministries that will be formed by integrating those ministerial departments that have been left with the federation after the devolution process. These include – among others – health, education, labour and manpower. Bloody brilliant.
Since the reluctant restoration of the chief justice in March 2009, a judiciary-government tussle has ensued. However, this time, the government has decided to go for the kill. It has rejected the order of the Supreme Court to re-appoint Sohail Ahmed as establishment secretary. Ahmad was awarded with the status of an officer on special duty after only 20 days of performing his duties. His removal appears no different than his two precursors but it has made quite an impact. Ahmed issued – in compliance with the Supreme Court’s orders on Tuesday – a notification to bring back Hussain Asghar as director, FIA. Asghar was removed from the aforementioned position by the government, apparently in a bid to slow the Hajj scam investigation.
A government already mastered in the art of delay has been fast enough to act in its defence. This time the government has decided to play with “legitimate constitutional authority” and there’s also talk of all ‘organs of the state not crossing the red line’. Déjà vu. The government behaved exactly in this manner during the Swiss case probe. Then, the president had immunity. This time, he has the support of his allies. But with Shahbaz Sharif calling for a long march to rid the current government for “declaring war on the judiciary”, and the SCBA considering all options including reviving the lawyers movement, this game is about to get really interesting. Will it be backdoor diplomacy or street power? We know from past experience that when the PML-N walks the street, the government is ‘made’ to recede. What it will be ‘dictated’ to do this time round remains to be seen.
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